Discussion room 2: Usage of the International Guidelines on guiding UNDP’s work on drug policy

1. I don't have enough knowledge to answer

2. I'll say some that are more "close to me" and my context:

- Systematic exlusion/tokenism of people who use drugs (even worst in the case of young people) in decision making spaces; 

- Lack of services outside of the scope of the "traditional drug user" (injected drug use, opioids, men, old, etc, especially when our reality nowadays is so different);

- Constant emergence of NPS due to prohibiotionism that puts PWUD in more danger in all possible ways; 

- Lack of options for people who use stimulants (such as pharmological options that are having good results in some countries/contexts);

- The categories/binaries that continue to divide us instead of uniting us, like good vs bad drug, or good vs bad drug user, also "functional", "recreational", "problematic", etc, that end up "othering" and stimatizing more the "others"

- Lack of concern or focus on structural,  political and social determinants of health

- Institutional violence, from services, and professionals and overall stigma;

- Standartized and abstinence-only "treatment" options, that exclude a lot of people

       3, 4, 5. Include PWUD with different backgrounds and listen and allow for co-leadership

      6. Not sure if the "correct" answer but civil disobedience? Advocacy of peer-led orgs. Also, unfortunately that this is necessary but "emergencies" and "crisis" like HIV, COVID... And funding of course. And not giving up :)

      7. Listen to people, validate lived and LIVING expertise

      8. Again, it would be amazing (and crucial) that it includes PWUD, or at least meaningfully "consult" them in the process and use that data. Take into account human rights (also the Guidelines, for example). Be transparent regarding the process and what is being done and why, create concrete recommendations, focus on everything I already mentioned (and many other things that I'm not covering and are important)

Thank you so much, Teresa Castro, for putting all of this together. It takes real courage and clarity to articulate these issues so comprehensively, especially the solutions around co-leadership and human rights.

You highlighted the systematic exclusion/tokenism of PWUD, particularly young people, in decision-making spaces, contrasting this with the crucial need for co-leadership and the validation of lived and living expertise.

This raises a vital question: we often talk about "consulting" or "involving" PWUD, but how do we move beyond that initial, often superficial, step toward authentic co-design and co-governance of services and policies? What are the biggest, most concrete barriers you’ve seen that prevent peer leaders from actually holding power and directing funding? Is it often a lack of funding for peer-led organisations, or is it a deeper, institutional unwillingness to cede control?

Thank you again for such a stimulating and challenging set of observations.

Ricky Gunawan It's like criminalization creates these barriers that exlude the most marginalized communities of people who use drugs from participating in any way whatsoever in these processes, because when your daily reality is based in dealing with negative  consequences of prohibitionism, you are living in survival mode. This makes it impossible for many people to have mental capacity, time, energy, even interest (because your priority is survival, of course) to participate even in the most basic ways or making yourself visible and known. Am I making sense? And then they are considered "too chaotic" or "unstable" to participate, or "uninterested" in doing it, when this is the result of a systemic vicious cicle and not a free personal choice. I'm sorry I'm just giving more problems and not actually solutions

Hi! Happy to see the vibrant discussion here! Sharing some more experiences from Youth RISE again and our efforts to "break into" traditional policymaking spaces to move beyond tokenistic inclusion/participation.

The International Guidelines on Human Rights and Drug Policy has been an important document informing and supporting our work, as it highlights clear obligations for States to ensure that people who use drugs’s dignity, rights, and specific needs are fully respected in all aspects of drug policy. Drawing in particular on the section on youth, our advocacy, programming, and peer-led approaches are centered on advancing youth participation, safeguarding access to non-discriminatory, youth-friendly harm reduction services, and consistently foregrounding the right to health, protection, and development for all young people—regardless of their involvement with drugs. 

But this has not been easy. Our network stands at a pivotal moment, navigating severe funding constraints and growing divides in the global landscape. These challenging times underscore the urgency of amplifying the voices of young people in drug policy, advocacy, and evidence-building, and reinforcing coalitions for Full Spectrum Harm Reduction.

Despite increasing challenges, our team of 31 members, with global representation — 17 from the Global South and 14 from the Global North — has continued to grow. Over the past two years, we’ve held 2 Annual Strategy Meetings, produced 15 publications, contributed to 12 international conferences and 11 United Nations (UN) engagements, and hosted 6 global workshops and webinars that brought together young people, key community stakeholders and policymakers.

We know that Young People Who Use Drugs and young people otherwise affected by drug policies hold the keys to a more just and equitable world that truly leaves no one behind, and we will continue to channel our collective energy towards this aim.

Current evidence shows young people make up one of the largest demographics of people who use drugs, and they face disproportionate health risks, such as HIV, Hepatitis C, and fatal overdose. Access to relevant harm reduction services is still unavailable for most, even as some leading UN bodies and governments begin to acknowledge these gaps. Youth and adolescents require innovative, inclusive, and stigma-free services tailored to their needs—including privacy protections and flexible age of consent policies. For instance, members in Algeria have combined sports and harm reduction education to create safe and stigma-free learning spaces.

Youth RISE continues its efforts to place youth-friendly harm reduction at the center of debates on drug policy, health, and human rights. In the past two years, we have:

• developed research reports and side events on drug education in schools, youth-driven insights in opioid harm reduction and 3 country specific guidelines on youth friendly harm reduction (Nigeria, Kyrgyzstan, and Tanzania); 
• supported in the creation of the first ever Youth Chapter of the Global State of Harm Reduction;
• Co-coordinated a 2-day UN Consultative Meeting on Youth Friendly Harm Reduction with multiple UN bodies and ensured that the key outcomes were fed into the Mid-Term Review of the 2019 Ministerial Declaration on Drugs;
• and worked in collaboration with other youth-led organisations worldwide and UN agencies to create tools for youth-friendly service implementation.

There is growing recognition that punitive drug policies disproportionately violate young people’s human rights through over-policing, criminal ‘justice’ approaches to drug use, possession, cultivation and trade, criminal records that hinder access to jobs, housing, education and social supports, and early justice-system contact that damages mental health and erodes trust in law enforcement. 

Youth RISE brought young people’s experiences into international spaces, such as the Commission on Narcotic Drugs,and into landmark reports such as the 2023 Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) Report. We advised policymakers on centering young people in drug policy, presenting models of decriminalisation and regulation, including at the Amsterdam Conference: Dealing with Drugs with city-level policymakers worldwide.

Harm reduction services and community networks of People Who Use Drugs are facing existential challenges ranging from critical funding withdrawals in Africa and Asia (due to The United States President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief [PEPFAR] funding cuts) to repressive foreign agent laws expanding across the Eastern Europe and Central Asia region, which as of 2024, have been adopted in Belarus, Kyrgyzstan, Georgia, Russia and Tajikistan.

In response, Youth RISE has spent the past 2 years creating frameworks, resources, and tools for Full Spectrum Harm Reduction. We work to ensure that, as our movement regains stability in funding, Young People Who Use Drugs are meaningfully engaged in decision-making regarding funding for harm reduction services. For example, through the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria (Global Fund) Elevating Youth Voices project,Young People Who Use Drugs in 8 Global South countries were trained on Global Fund processes and how to influence national funding decisions and advocate for Full Spectrum Harm Reduction approaches in national policies and practices. Further, throughout 2023 and 2024, we provided 28 small grants to support projects from our worldwide membership that enable harm reduction provision and ensure drug policies support — instead of punishing — young people. For example, through these small grants, dialogue and discussion spaces with the general public, decision-makers, press, religious leaders, law enforcement, harm reduction experts, civil society, activists, and Young People Who Use Drugs in Pakistan, Nigeria, Indonesia and Uganda. 

Youth RISE is currently developing a Full Spectrum Harm Reduction Toolkit and advocacy curriculum to equip young advocates with the necessary tools for promoting stigma-free drug education and advancing meaningful youth engagement in decision-making for drug policy reform. We hope this tool will support the strengthening of local policy reform efforts aligned with the international guidelines and advanced by and with young people.

We have been working hard, but the meaningful co-design of policies and services is also heavily conditioned by political will, which tends to be a difficult topic whenever we bring drugs and young people in the same sentence. Together with the Global Commission on Drug Policy, we are currently conducting a global study scoping this issue and trying to understand how punitive drug policies - usually disguised as efforts to "protect the children" - impact children and youth. The research is based on global consultations bringing together actors from CSOs, government, and international organizations working in different fields connected with drug policy, children and youth rights, health, and human rights. The study is also conducting consultations with children and youth putting special care in centering the experiences of those most impacted by current policies. We will be publishing a policy brief in early 2026 that presents the results of this research, and we hope this will be a tool that initiates a long-overdue conversation on the impacts of drug policies on younger generations and creates the political will to address the topic using children and human rights frameworks

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Dear Rebeca Marques Rocha,

Thank you very much for this rich and inspiring contribution, and for sharing Youth RISE’s extensive experience in promoting meaningful youth engagement and rights-based approaches in drug policy reform. Your reflections on the challenges and achievements of young people breaking into traditional policymaking spaces provide valuable insights for this discussion. Specifically, it is important to learn about your work on full-spectrum harm reduction. 

To help deepen the dialogue and connect your experiences to our broader objectives, we would appreciate it if you could expand a bit more on the recommended priorities for strengthening young people’s involvement in drug policy reform in countries where YouthRISE is working.In particular, it would be helpful to hear your perspectives on specific of better using UNDP and other UN bodies to support your organisation and it's members in your importnant work. How could UNDP better support inclusive and rights-based approaches, especially for young people and other criminalized populations What are your practical recommendations to UNDP and other UN partners to ensure the meaningful participation of affected communities in policy design and implementation?

Your insights on these points would be very valuable in shaping collective recommendations and ensuring that youth voices remain central to the global human rights and drug policy agenda.

At Ado Reporters Africa (ADRA), we consider the International Guidelines as key references for shaping inclusive, rights-based, and community-centered drug policies. In Africa, local communities face complex sociocultural and economic realities, which require nuanced approaches beyond punitive frameworks.

Our experience working with young people, women, and marginalized groups shows that community engagement, education, and empowerment are critical for effective and sustainable drug policies. Grassroots feminist and youth-led organizations are uniquely positioned to bridge the gap between global policy ambitions and the realities on the ground.

We urge UNDP to strengthen its partnerships with civil society actors like ADRA, ensuring that policies are informed by lived experiences, cultural contexts, and social justice principles, and that affected communities are genuinely empowered rather than criminalized.

PERLE SOCIALE encourages UNDP to deepen its collaboration with grassroots and feminist organizations in Africa to operationalize the Guidelines at the community level. The UNDP’s leadership can be decisive in promoting gender-responsive, youth-led, and evidence-based reforms, especially in rural contexts where women and young people face intersectional discrimination. The organization recommends that UNDP use the Guidelines to (a) mainstream human rights and gender equality in all drug policy programs, (b) ensure the participation of affected populations, including rural youth and women, in policy dialogue, and (c) integrate drug policy reform into the Sustainable Development Goals framework, particularly SDGs 3, 5, 10, and 16. By aligning its interventions with these principles, UNDP can help governments move from criminalization to empowerment, fostering dignity and equity for all affected communities.

Dear Ganna Dovbakh,

Thank you sincerely for your interest in learning more about how we apply the International Guidelines on Human Rights and Drug Policy in our daily practice. These Guidelines serve as a living framework for our advocacy, program design, and governance, guiding our commitment to inclusive, rights-based, and community-driven approaches in contexts where social stigma, gender inequality, and punitive traditions remain deeply rooted.

In our advocacy work, the Guidelines are at the heart of our community dialogues and public engagements. Through our civic initiative “Wéndia Dotomi” (Young girl: listen to me), we bring together youth, women, traditional and religious leaders, and local authorities to discuss sensitive issues such as drug use, gender norms, and social exclusion. These dialogues help shift local narratives from punishment to protection and from stigma to support. They also produce local action notes and commitments signed by participants, which we later use in our municipal advocacy. Through these processes, we translate the human rights principles of the Guidelines into community language, making them accessible, practical, and culturally meaningful.

In program implementation, we integrate the Guidelines across our initiatives on education, health, and social resilience. Our field teams in Savalou and Abomey-Calavi conduct community-based activities that combine awareness, capacity building, and livelihood support. For instance, during our “Street Clinics for Reproductive Rights”, we provide mobile awareness sessions on sexual and reproductive health while addressing stigma against women and youth who use substances. Our harm reduction approach is strengthened by peer education modules and by collaboration with local partners such as the ABPF. We also develop small-scale livelihood initiatives like vocational and digital entrepreneurship training for young women and marginalized youth to provide genuine alternatives to exclusion and economic dependency. This approach aligns with the Guidelines’ vision of sustainable and human-centered development.

Our governance and internal culture are equally inspired by the Guidelines. ADRA operates under a feminist and inclusive governance model led by a five-woman coordination team. All decision-making processes are participatory, ensuring that young people, women, and marginalized voices including LGBTQI+ persons and persons with disabilities contribute equally. We have established internal conduct protocols that guarantee safety, confidentiality, and respect in all activities. Every program is validated by a local consultative group composed of community representatives who ensure that interventions remain relevant and grounded in lived realities.

Documentation and accountability are central to our practice. Through our RADAR (Réseau d’Alerte et de Documentation des Attaques contre les Résistances anti-droits) system, we collect testimonies and field data that reveal how punitive drug responses intersect with gender-based violence, discrimination, and rights violations. These findings feed into our advocacy briefs and policy notes submitted to local authorities and national decision-makers. They also inform our regional collaborations with feminist and youth-led networks within the WHRIN (Women Human Rights Defenders International Network) that share our vision of a humane and equitable drug policy.

A key lesson we have learned is that human rights principles only create change when communities recognize themselves in them. We therefore invest time and creativity in localizing the Guidelines through storytelling, radio broadcasts in local languages, and participatory visual media. This makes abstract policy principles tangible and relevant. As a result, we have observed encouraging changes: traditional leaders now refer affected youth to social services rather than to punitive mechanisms, local health workers have begun integrating inclusive service protocols after joint training sessions, and young women beneficiaries of our livelihood projects report increased autonomy and community acceptance.

In short, for ADRA, applying the Guidelines is not a theoretical exercise but a continuous process of translation, co-creation, and accountability. It shapes how we design, implement, and govern our work. We would be very glad to continue this exchange, share our practical tools and methodologies, and explore how our experience could contribute to UNDP’s collaborative learning and policy efforts.

Geraude Maribelle ADOUKONOU

President

Ado Reporters Africa (ADRA)

girlsandyouthconnected.com

[email protected]

I am Heloísa Broggiato Matter, PhD. The inadequate access to opioides such as morphine, in Brazil is a result of  a punitive approach in drug policy, restrictive regulations on internationally controlled medicines and challenges in the health system. Even if the Brazilian constitution recognizes the right to health, patients face many many adminstrative barriers to have access to such medicines. This creates stigma and unnecessary pain. The experience of countries with a drug policy respecting human rights, such as Germany, have a strong primary health care, able to manage severe pain and adopt a solid harm reduction practice. These two important aspects to achieve adequate access to controlled medicines and prevent opioid overdose deaths.