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لترجمة المحتوى إلى اللغة العربية، استخدموا الرابط "اختر اللغة" في أعلى الصفحة.


UNSCR 1325 and subsequent resolutions on women, peace and security have helped focus attention on the role of women in peace negotiations and the limited presence of women at the peace table. At the same time women peace builders play a crucial role in building peace at the local level. One of the ways that women peace-builders play this crucial role is through the creation of a culture of peace; whether through women working together across battle lines to ensure live saving support to families; or focusing on practical solvable issues on the ground or by other means. 

This important role and the lessons learnt from these experiences deserve more attention. We are interested in learning more about what works at the local level. How have women peace builders contributed to change. What works and how can local experiences be fed into regional or national peace-building efforts? 

Please answer the following questions:

  1. What good examples are there of women’s engagement in local peacebuilding efforts? What is different about these examples? Why did they work? What helped make them work? What didn’t work? 
  2. How have women managed to engage in local political decision-making post-conflict? What effect has that had on others’ lives? 
  3. How do you prevent the return to traditional norms after conflicts end? 
  4. What role has creating a culture of peace played? 
  5. What examples are there of imaginative alternatives that help create a culture of peace? What helped make them work? What didn’t work? 
  6. Was there any outside support that was vital to ensuring women’s engagement? If so, what can we learn from the timing, duration and how that support was given? What support might have helped but wasn’t forthcoming? What support was counter-productive and why? 
  7. How can we ensure that the needs and views of the most marginalized are included? What good examples are there of including disabled women? LGBTQI communities?

Comments (135)

Henri Myrttinen Moderator

Summary of Week 6


Dear participants,

Thank you all for participating in this final week of the consultation. This week, we heard from Latin America, Northern and Southern Africa, Europe, as well as West, South and Southeast Asia, showcasing a rich diversity of approaches and experiences.

The contributions re-iterated and highlighted again some of the key points of the previous weeks. Central among them is the need for meaningful women's participation in peacebuilding at all levels, from the international, over the national and local to the inter-personal and personal. In particular at the local level, in villages and neighbourhoods, women's movements and women’s rights organisations are doing much of the essential work of peacebuilding.

As the examples highlighted, this active and meaningful participation is not only important in terms of peacebuilding in situations of war, also in situations of urban and rural violence such as in parts of Latin America, in the response to the Covid-19 pandemic as highlighted in Mauritius, and in continued political engagement in conflict-affected societies such as in Lebanon, in this case at the municipal level.


Further key points highlighted were the need for

  • long-term, sustained engagement in peacebuilding;
  • acknowledgement of and the making the space for of the different needs, approaches and possibilities of different women (e.g. indigenous, rural, young, those of diverse sexual orientations and gender identities); and
  • ensuring that, as in Sudan and elsewhere, women's active political engagement for change does not lead to their marginalisation once the political change has been achieved.

Contributions also stressed the central role of enhancing cultures of peace, of building the connections necessary for peacebuilding at the local level, ensuring women's socio-economic empowerment at the grassroots and value-based peacebuilding.


Explicitly and implicitly, contributors underscored the need for recognising that different approaches and levels (or tracks) of peacebuilding are necessary and need to happen simultaneously – but that ideally these should be coordinated. However, this coordination of efforts should not be based primarily on the concerns and agendas of the international and outside actors, but rather be led by local needs.

Thank you everyone for your active participation, it has been an honour and a pleasure to act as a moderator!



Wazhma Frogh Moderator

Hello everyone: 

I am glad and honoured to join this group. Community based peace building has been my passion from the time that I was a young girl working with refugee women and children in Pakistan. My experiences of engaging with local communities, especially women and girls, providing them with skills and platforms indicate that when women and girls know ways to resolve conflict in a nonviolent manners, she can influence the family and community. I've been part of scores of local and national dialogues where women took the lead of engaging men and tribal leaders and eventually influenced the conflict in their villages and communities. Most of my work has been from Pakistan and Afghanistan where we have active conflict going on so I am sure there are other contexts and settings where you have either similar or different experiences and outcomes. We hope to hear those and create a dialogue where the impact of our work can be impacted. Wazhma 


Dear Wazhma Jan.

Thank you for inviting me to this interesting discussion. For me having worked for women’s protection for years, peace comes when communities are able to find non violent solutions to their problems. For us in Afghanistan, the major issue has been the increased violence that halted our lives and it continues to happen. Women’s lives and bodies are battlefield, just days back infrants and pregnant mothers were shot dead  in a maternity hospital  in Kabul. We are mobilizing for a ceasefire right now in Afghanistan however our understanding is that we won’t have any political peace if communities are not at peace with each other.


in peace


Wazhma Frogh Moderator

Dear Mary Akarmi:

Thank you for sharing your perspectives on local peace building as a prerequisite for political peace considering the increased level of violence on civilians in Afghanistan. Women's protection is an important element of the peace building and the overall WPS agenda and without protection for women from gender based violence. Thank you for your work and continued commitment. 


Hello everyone, Thank you Wazhma for inviting me as a thought leader and allowing me to share my insight. I appreciate it. Also congratulations to everyone affiliated with this initiative. It is absolutely crucial time to address the impact of UNSCR 1325 after 20 years.

A bit about myself, I am Samira Hamidi and currently working as Regional Campaigner with Amnesty International. Since 2002, I have worked with various national and international organizations focusing on women, peace and security.

Women in Afghanistan have continuously played an active and effective role in peace building and conflict resolution. I have worked with women peace builders from 34 provinces who come with massive experience and local conflict resolution ideas and solutions. I remember hearing from women peace builders from most remote and insecure provinces who had managed to speak to the female family members of Taliban and through them had passed their messages on why their village and district should not be attacked by Taliban.

Women peace building role while is important have remained unrecognized by states especially in country like Afghanistan. Unfortunately, despite of national and international obligations, there is lesser recognition and opportunity given to women in Afghanistan in general but specially in peace and conflict resolution area. There is also a huge cultural and traditional thoughts that men have fought the wars and they should address peace too. There are examples from some of government institutions working on peace who have questioned the participation of women in those platforms even.

To conclude, I believe women are untapped resources across to the globe and in countries affected by conflict. There should be more opportunities to women peace builders as mediators, negotiators, peace educators so change the mentality that women have less to say about peace. Women work at local level can only be recognized if they are giving the opportunity and this is something that focusing on UNSCR 1325 can address.

Thank you, Samira

Wazhma Frogh Moderator

Dear Samira:

Thank you for responding to the first question. Your experiences of building local women peace builders is of huge importance for the discussion on local peace building. Skills and abilities in conflict resolution and understanding the role that women in traditional and emerging roles can play in resolving local conflicts, is key to build peace locally. We have similar experiences at WPSO-Afghanistan where local women peace builders have been provided with skills, platforms and also advocacy opportunities to impact local governance. 


I am Zarqa yaftali, Director of women and Children legal research foundation. I am torching upon the questions that how we can preserve the currents achievements and prevent return of social Norms during the post peace.

I believe that social norms are the root bed of conflicts and these norms are institutionalized with a vast period of time and believe that preventing its return for the post conflict period requires significant attention to continue implementing programs focussing on the social norms and peace efforts.

This also employs on women's participation in the official structure and peace process. Social norms has been the main barrier towards achieving this objective. We have made it possible by continued awareness raising and advocacy initiatives. Advocacy efforts paved  the way for inclusion of women and awareness raising mobilized women,s engagement  in public spaces.

Wazhma Frogh Moderator

Dear Zarqa :

You've addressed an important perspective around peace building and that is the traditional norms impacting national level peace processes, with a focused experience from Afghanistan. 

Crystal Washington

In your experience, how can we shift social norms as they are reinforced through customs, religion, and political structures?

Adjoa Gzifa

Thank you for inviting me to share my thoughts on such an important topic. I am honored and humbled to participate in the discussion. Living as an African American in America, I have seen and been subjected to an enormous amount of racism and disenfranchisement. I am passionate about making sure people with disabilities are included in all aspects of life, especially the youth who have a limited voice and depend on others to speak for them.

People with disabilities and the LGBTQ communities are the most marginalized communities. While there are many advocacy groups working on behalf of these groups, it is important for us to continue to raise our voices in support of their efforts to make sure these groups are represented at the table when decisions are being made. People in these groups face a plethora of barriers when attempting to negotiate on their own. Education and activism by the individual, the group and their advocates is primary.

Belinda Hlatshwayo Moderator

Dear Adjoa,

Thank you for sharing these great insights on such a pertinent topic. People with disabilities and LGBTQI communities continue left out of decision-making platforms. You mentioned the work of advocacy groups as vital to ensuring that these voices are heard. Sustained education and advocacy are crucial. Do you perhaps, have any best practice examples of where the advocacy elements you mentioned led to greater inclusion of disabled women or LGBTQI communities in decision-making roles? It would be great to hear from you, and learn from your experience in this area.

Adjoa Gzifa


Thank you for responding to my statement.

I have worked with youth vulnerable groups, specifically, youth with disabilities and LGBQT youth for over 25 years. I have listened to and heard their concerns. I have been an advocated for these two populations in the world of work.  Just because a person has a disability or is LGBQT does not mean they should be treated differently. They are entitled to the same rights as those who do not present with limitations.  

In my work with youth in these two categories, I was afforded the opportunity to sit at the table of government and policy makers to ensure that these groups were afforded opportunities to be educated, work and thrive as human beings. Being at the table with other like minded individuals enabled us to convince the powers that be that these groups must be represented in all aspects of life.  We were heard and changes have been instituted to make sure they are included. We were able to establish a youth council with representation from these groups who brought their issues to the table and effected changes in policies. 

Ajmal N. Safi

Thank you for inviting me to share my thoughts on such an important topic. 

The role of Afghan women in all walks of life is very small and always overlooked, especially in remote areas of the country. I think more needs to be done in the field of public awareness and the importance of the role of women in politics and the peace building process, so that women are aware of their Islamic, civic and human rights obligation. Once they are aware of their rights and civic duties, they will be encouraged to take an active part in the peace process. Indeed, Afghan women should be told that they are most affected by the loss of their families’ males i.e., (Father, brother & husbands or sons), in the conflict who are usually supporting the family financially in most remote areas of the country. As result, women and children will suffer the most which is the reality on the ground.

In recent years, some work has been done in this direction, but it has been more focused on the capital Kabul and regional provinces, but these efforts should be focused and expanded to remote areas of the country which are more exposed to conflict.

Belinda Hlatshwayo Moderator

Dear Ajmal,

Thank you for sharing this often overlooked approach. As you pointed out, some work has been done at the provincial level, but interventions have been focused on the capital. We do need a whole-of-society approach that engages communities from the local to the national level. There have been a few women's networks working in remote areas. Would you perhaps have any examples of strategies which have increased women's awareness and/or capacity to their rights at the local level? Would be great to hear more about this aspect.

Many thanks,

Ajmal N. Safi

Dear Belinda,

Based on my experience, there are two strategies that will be effective in increasing women’s awareness and capacity to their right.

1) Literacy programs

2) Economic Empowerment

If Afghan women are educated and financially empowered, they will have the ability to talk about their rights at home, village, and their communities. The economic empowerment programs will enable women to be more active in the communities and also would be able to support their families financially. If women contribute  or support her family financially, she will have a say at home and at her community. 




Rehab Al-Sanabani

Greetings from Yemen.

Women peace builders play a crucial role in building peace at the local level. One of the ways that women peace-builders play this crucial role is through the creation of a culture of peace; whether through women working together across battle lines to ensure live saving support to families; or focusing on practical solvable issues on the ground or by other means. 

For instance, In the past few years, Yemeni women has been trained to resolve conflicts of natural resources. This indicate that Yemeni women have a big influence on their communities. Yemeni women has been trained on peace building and conflict resolutions aspects, communication and negotiation skills, mediation, etc.

Many assessment were conducted in Yemen to envisaged on women role in easing and/or increasing the conflict and the possibility of engaging women in peace building. it was concluded that women play a major role in both easing and increasing conflicts as the can affect the men of their households positively or negatively. By training women on the positive impact of resolving the conflict and introduce them to the formal and informal ways of building the peace, they can be an active agent to build the peace and increase the social cohesion of their communities. 

Politically, more awareness on women human rights and women role and influence in their communities are still needed to engage women in the country level. 


Wazhma Frogh Moderator

Dear Rehab:

Greetings to you. 

Thank you for sharing your perspectives around the work Yemeni women have done in the years to resolve local conflicts, especially the ones on natural resources. This is great because it complements the findings of many other similar conflicts, that women are able to influence local conflicts even in the traditional settings. 


Hi, everyone! 
I am glad to be invited to this discussion by a friend of mine. 
I, myself, have been researching the role of women in local peace building in the ethnic conflicts of the South Caucasus for the last 2 years. Sadly to remind that this topic has also been under-researched and the role of women in peace-building has been underestimated. 
As an immigrant woman, my focus has been the impact of conflicts on women and their consequent migration with the hope of finding better future for themselves and their children. The empowerment of migrant women in their “new” homes are considerably more difficult than their involvement in socio-political life in their own countries. 
Moreover, I want to stress the importance of educating women about their rights and freedoms. Providing necessary social/legal/economic support services to (migrant) women decreases the level of violence against women/girls and increases the possibility of their closer involvement into their society. 


Wazhma Frogh Moderator

Dear Adela:

Thank you for sharing your views and perspectives. You are indicating an important issue here, the role of migrant women, their own challenges and how they can influence their "new" communities. I came across an interesting discussion at International Migration Policy and thought you would like it. 



Adeze Ojukwu


 Moderator and distinguished participants.

Thank you for inviting me to this group.

 I am delighted to share my thoughts on the topic based on my experience as a journalist with focus on development issues affecting women, children and vulnerable groups.

I am from Nigeria, which has been affected terribly by terrorism. I have also lived two years in a post-conflict country Sierra Leone.

As a lecturer in post-war Sierra Leone some of my students, at Fourah Bay College, University of Sierra Leone, Freetown were physically and psychologically scarred by the 10-year old war. Many women were severely affected and live with various degrees of disabilities even in the university.

Though the disarmament programme championed by the UN system and other regional bodied poverty was widespread especially amongst women.

Women were unduely exposed and exploited because of their peculiarities and improverished conditions.

 I suggest that the global community can synergise with affected countries to establish  well-structured recovery  programmes that aid real economic independence for women,  through skill acquisition trainings, agricultural co-operative societies,  micro-credit facilities, reproductive health programmes and literacy opportunities.

I suggest that governments should be made to fulfil commitments to UN conventions and protocols on women rights and empowerment through more effective and innovative gender-sensitive mechanisms in public and political affairs in various tiers of governance across affected countries.

Additionally they should also address the underlying problems of poverty and illiteracy which undermine the capacity of women to make informed choices.

In Nigeria government has not been able to protect women and girls in various conflicts in the Northern and Central regions of the country.

Hence women are often kidnapped and violated by terrorist groups and herdsmen bandits, despite heavy presence of security officials.

Sadly there allegations that some  security personnel were involved in perpetuating atrocities against females in IDP camps.

The global Peace community has done very well  in mitigating some of these challenges.
But more interventions are needed,in Nigeria and other conflict zones, to ensure that political leaders protect and empower women and girls in conflict and post-conflict situations and also address the factors that ignite and sustain such crises.

This requires establishment of institutional  structures in line with UN frameworks and SDGs targets to ensure justice, equity, good governance, accountability, transparency,  electoral reforms and financial support for women in politics.

The role of media and community involvement in policy  decision and execution  will also improve capacity of women to become more financially and politically empowered.

Journalists and activists can be embedded in order to increase communication flow between policy makers and people at the community levels.

Finally corruption has affected viable projects for women in Nigeria and other places.

For instance the social interventions for the poor and women are often marred by corruption and  partisanship.

The global community may need to strengthen monitoring mechanisms to track    programmes and expenditure in order to address the gaps poor execution of laudable recovery schemes especially for women.

Finally advocacy tools for peace and conflict resolution should be institutionalised and streamlined in public affairs including educational frameworks, political discourses, financial schemes and in business policies.

Conflict doesn't just happen. It sometimes takes series of missteps and mistakes to spark wars and conflicts.

But peace takes time to build.

So if peace initiatives  are integrated  within the various segments of society with active participation of women, activists, journalists, as well community, political and religious leaders society will be better for it.

Women will also be happier for it.

Thank you for this opportunity to share my simple thoughts.


Wazhma Frogh Moderator

Dear Adeze,

Thank you for sharing your in-depth understanding & raising a very important issue. I echo what you are saying around lack of real economic empowerment as part of recovery in post conflicts and also as part of the overall poverty reduction programs. In WPS agenda, globally there has been more focus on the participation and promotion elements, while we haven't tackled much in terms of addressing the protection, relief and recovery elements of WPS. While communities at conflict, also suffer sever poverty and many times poverty becomes the source of conflict and vice versa. Thank you for sharing these important perspectives. 

Rachel Dore-Weeks

Dear Wazhma, its always a privilege to be in any space with you and the rest of the incredible women engaged in this thread. I think the issue raised by Samira and all of your is an important one - of the incredible and unrecognised work that local women peacebuilders do, often at such risks to themselves and their families. How we - as the international community - can better protect and support them I think is a challenge we all struggle with, which i think is also compounded by how hard it is to measure progress and change. Donors find it straight forward to support humanitarian assistance - a necessary bandaid - because we can measure food distributed and food security rates, but it is much more difficult to measure the changes that occur in communities as a result of the work of women peacebuilders. We as supporters need to be better in how we consistently support local women's peacebuilding.

Adeze Ojukwu

Hi everyone, 

Thanks for the various views being shared on the contributions of women to peace in times of conflict.
 Generally women are viewed as natural care givers and peace lovers.
However  their capacity and passion to operate in these areas through rendering humanitarian services are often limited by cultures and belief systems in some traditional societies in Nigeria.
 Cheerily many have found ways to overcome these obstacles especially with increased literacy and public health campaigns.
First I want to share a few thoughts on peace building strategies by women and how they can help in tackling COVID-19.

COVID-19 is often described as a war. But it is a different kind. 
It is a monumental disaster that has exposed humanity’s  preparedness or lack of it to public health and economic challenges.

Like it is often said, the current crises is an unchartered territory that has brought a new norm for everyone. 

The humanitarian-cum-economic crises requires a whole new approach galvanised by the UN global coalition and a multi-sectorial solidarity to be effectively tackled.

Generally, women are on the front lines in offering medical and social services in urban and rural settings.
 This is essentially, due to their natural endowments and desire for peace and stability, as well as traditional roles in many cultures.

Hence their contributions in mitigating the impact of coronavirus across societies are invaluable, though they are not often acknowledged or accorded adequate media attention.

However women peace builders, especially those with relevant skills and resources are presently, devising creative ways to support the global fight against the pandemic.

From my observation, much of the work by women in villages, is in sharing information from WHO recommendations and national health guidelines to target groups using indigenous languages and traditional art forms.

Some women in my country are involved in various volunteering activities, support services, medical care work for  the sick and vulnerable groups.

They also use various outreach and personal methods, to support the current public advocacy, which is very important in fighting covid-19, especially in conflict areas and remote areas.
 However some of the health guidelines are incompatible, with the harsh realities and living conditions facing vulnerable people, particularly women and persons living with disabilities.

The congestion in camps and settlements largely undermine the principle of physical distancing.

Personal hygiene and social distancing can only be effective,  if essential goods and services notably clean water, food and sanitary facilities are provided steadily especially in war-torn areas.
Due to escalating hunger and food shortages, arising from economic restrictions, some women groups  have established  food baskets in some churches in Lagos, to assist the needy, widows, orphans and aged.
Women in Northern Nigeria are also sharing palliatives and  sanitary kits to people in Internally Displaced Persons(IDPs) camps, as well as churches and mosques.

These social interventions are often aided by  faith-based organizations,  corporate bodies and philanthropic individuals.

During press interviews, some of them complained  that the social and economic limitations and lack of PPEs impeded the scope of their projects.

Nevertheless many women are undeterred in their resolve to offer help by offering meals to the indigent, sending flowers to nursing care homes and organising virtual meetings to extend comforting messages, at this distressful period, to front line workers, patients, as well as affected families. 
These sacrifices are quite significant and should be supported by state-sponsored mechanisms.


On  the various roles and impact of women peace-builders in conflict and post-conflict circumstances,  the efforts are huge and complex.

 They are quite significant but under-reported hence the women do not often get the vital support and financial resources, they require to foster and sustain their projects.

Women peace-builders have made tremendous impact in some conflict situations but they need real institutional structures and synergies, with other organisations, in order to entrench an enduring culture of peace in society. 

In some conflict-prone communities in Nigeria there are several initiatives by women to foster peace and healing during and after internal and external crises.

Women often organise themselves informally, through market associations, faith-based groups and traditional societies within their communities.

Such advocacy and traditional communication methods, extensively  brought some respite. 

But these efforts were not sustainable and effective enough, especially in large-scale conflicts and terrorist attacks or guerrilla warfare.

Most women peace builders lacked adequate knowledge on conflict resolution tools, organisational skills, office facilities and funds to further these personal or group initiatives.

In some cases,  there were no co-ordination and reporting systems among different organisations trying to build bridges in particular areas.

These weaknesses led to unnecessary competitions and hostilities, thus exacerbating tensions among the target groups.

In this scenario, most times, the projects suffered set-backs, due to needless  suspicions and squabbles.
Obviously women peace builders should be encouraged  to co-operate, at various levels of programming activities and messaging content based on shared objectives within particular societal segments, in order to create more momentum and solidarity for enduring outcomes.

My humble suggestion is that  women need more  trainings, expertise support and technological facilities, and financial resources, among others, for more effectiveness. 

Undoubtedly a lot more can be achieved by establishing conflict resolution  best practices within national institutionalises strutures, so that a new culture of peace advocacy, public health awareness and societal progress can replace the old order of violence and humanitarian  emergencies.

Thanks a lot and best regards in your work.


Hello to everyone. Very interesting topic.  Can I ask the moderators to share some examples of good and sustainable  women's initiatives and movements in Europe during the last decade. Thank you!

Belinda Hlatshwayo Moderator

Hi Petar,

Thanks for your comment. The good news is that there are many women's movements in Europe. Sharing a few links to some great platforms where you can explore women's peacebuilding by region, but it would be great to also hear from you on your experiences and perceptions on women's initiatives and movements in Europe.

- Women's International League of Peace and Freedom (WILPF) (by theme and region)

- Global Network of Women Peacebuilders (by region)

- International Civil Society Action Network (by theme)

- Conciliation Resources (by region)

Looking forward to hearing from you. 

Many thanks,

Amenah Mohssen Alabdo Salem


آمنه محسن من اليمن

محافظة ابين  التي عانت وتعاني هذه المحافظة من الارهاب و التطروف وعدم الامن والامان . حيث ان هذه المجاميع الارهابية  قد سيطرة على هذه المحافظة في  عام ٢٠١١ وقد عشت تجربة نزوح مؤلمة  و جميع سكانها الى المحفظات المجاورة  عدن و لحج و حضرموت . 

وقد لعبت منظمات المجتمع المدني و اتحاد نساء اليمن في ترتيب اوضاع النازحين في المدارس وتقديم الاغاثة بالتعاون مع منظمات الامم المتحده المتواجده في عدن  و صنعاء . 

وعانت النساء الكثير من العنف السياسي و  الاقتصادي و التعليمي 

وعدم الاستقرار وانعدام السلام و الخوف على ابنائهم في فترة النزوح . وقد لعبت منظمات المجتمع المدني دورا في ترتيب اوضاع الاسر و التفاهم مع السلطات المحلية بتوفير مدارس لابناء النازحين . 

حيث ان اليمن لا تزال تعاني من الحروب و النزاعات المسلحة حيث ان الاطراف لم تلتزم بقرارات الامم المتحدة واستأناف الحوار . مما ادى الى قيام مؤتمر للمرة اليمنية و السلام في الاردن و تشكيل لجان و الخروج باليات عمل حول تنفيذ قرار  13و25

 قد شاركت المرة في اغلب المباحثات ولكن ليس بصفة رسمية ولكن لجان السلام المشكلة من النساء التي تضررن من الحروب هن واطفالهم اقموا اكثر من ورشة عمل اكان في الاردن او القاهرة او في عدن حول السلام و التحاور مع المتصارعين و توجيه رسائل للسلطات المحلية و عقد دورات للسلطات المحليه ولجان المجتمع المدني التي ستقوم بدورها بتوعية حول السلام . وتم تدريب النساء على كيفية الحوار و المفاوضات و الخروج با بيانات و الالتقاء بمبعوث الاممي وممثلي مكتب المبعوث عبر سكايب او زوم وقد تم رفع تقارير و ملاحظات حول تاييدنا لقرارات الامم المتحده و المبعوث حول ايقاف الحرب في اليمن ونتمنى من الامم المتحده عند قرارات ايقاف الحرب ان يشمل كل الاطراف المتنازعة و الالوية المتواجده على الارض في صنعاء و عدن .

الكشف عن الالغام المزروعة في المناطق المحررة و التدريب و التاهيل بمخاطرها و التوسع في جذب مناصرين للسلام وتدريبهم وتاهيلهم لنشر افكار السلام في المجتمعات المحلية .

اشراك الاغلبية في المباحثات من النساء و الضغط .

على الدولة باوجوب اشراك النساء في المفاوضات زيادة ممثلات من مناطق الحروب و النزاعات المسلحة في المحافل الدولية  .



Belinda Hlatshwayo Moderator

Dear Amenah Mohssen Alabdo Salem,

Thank you for sharing this detailed analysis of the formal and informal work of women peacebuilders in Yemen. It is great to see that there is a line of communication between local authorities and women civil society groups. The issue you described, of women being instrumental in local peacebuilding but not taking part in formal peace negotiations, is a pertinent one. As noted, we continue to see women relegated to informal peace negotiations, and not at the fore of the formal process. In fact, globally between 1992 and 2018 women only made up 4% of signatories and 14% of formal negotiators in peace agreements. You aptly noted, that we need to shift this state of affairs in order to ensure that women are equally and meaningfully represented in peace processes.

With the realities of social-distancing, you noted the need to provide capacity training to women peacebuilders to participate in the peace process using emerging teleconferencing tools such as Skype. However, would also like to add here the potential issue of prevailing harmful gender norms and stereotypes which systemically exclude women to formal high-level peace processes. Are there any examples you can share from Yemen, on how women have successfully advocated to be a part of formal systems? Also adding here, that though women civil society networks frequently work with local authorities, has there been an increase in women elected into formal councils and legislatures at local-level too? Noting that there is a domino impact and link between what is done at the local level, and the ecosystem at national-level negotiations. Similar systems that exclude women from formal processes at the community level are often mirrored during national dialogues. By that logic, any best-practice examples you could share on local-level advocacy could assist in us understanding the gendered dynamics at national and regional level.

Once again, thank you for your comments, and looking forward to your feedback.

Kind regards,

Swarna Rajagopalan

This is a discussion about 'post-conflict' peacebuilding. Over years of reading and thinking about this, I am wondering what 'post-conflict' means--how often do conflicts actually end? We see the end of battle or even, of war. We see that crises pass or they metamorphose into a 'new normal.' But it seems as if often, conflicts continue to fester, and therefore, the lines between this phase and that are a little artificial. Having said that, here are some quick thoughts on the questions listed above.

  1. What good examples are there of women’s engagement in local peacebuilding efforts? What is different about these examples? Why did they work? What helped make them work? What didn’t work? 

      Women’s participation in peacebuilding is caught in a chicken-egg trap. Women are not included in official processes because officials say they cannot find them. And they are not to be found because we look for them in official processes, where they are not included, because they cannot be found because they are not there…and so on. What we have learned through projects like this one by WPSO, is that women gain experience as peace-builders by working where they are. In their immediate community or in their line of professional work, the profiles in this collection show that women seize the opportunity to initiate conversations about piece, to initiate dialogue, to build capacity and to court grave risk in the line of peace work.

      What is different about women’s engagement with peace, therefore, is that it is not scripted or staged. It does not wait for funding or project titles. It is everyday work and therefore, it is organic and endures. If you look at the array of examples in this book and in many others that profile women peacebuilders, we also see that women are rarely single-issue negotiators. They address reality as they encounter it—water, domestic violence and militancy, all at once—using a combination of approaches.

  1. How have women managed to engage in local political decision-making post-conflict? What effect has that had on others’ lives? 

Wherever they work, women usually do not wait for official invitations or special occasions. They appear to simply act in the here and now, focused on a patient resolution of survival concerns while talking about broader issues. The connection they build by acting together every day creates the forum for dialogue on issues that seem more distant. In a manner of speaking, they would seem to replicate the ‘functional cooperation’ process we speak about for states, except they are able to tackle more than one issue at a time. We see this in examples from around the world.

  1. How do you prevent the return to traditional norms after conflicts end? 

Only with vigilance. History teaches us that post-conflict, women do not just lose the gains made during conflict (such as they are, and they vary wildly), but they also lose rights they may have claimed in the pre-crisis age. The two World Wars of the 20th Century are great illustrations.

Insistence on women’s inclusion during the crisis or the conflict is critical to resisting this roll-back. This is why, while participation seems like the least urgent concern during the pandemic, it is the most important measure for holding fast in its aftermath.

  1. What role has creating a culture of peace played? 

Cultures of peace are built on everyday resistance and everyday actions—the kind of peacebuilding work that women do. These inevitably include, or must include, gender equality values—there is no peace without justice and equality, after all.

  1. What examples are there of imaginative alternatives that help create a culture of peace? What helped make them work? What didn’t work? 

I find the everyday engagements of the Afghan women in the above-mentioned booklet inspiring, as also the Mindanao Women’s Peace Table. I think if we can communicate to women that in fact, their everyday concerns are an element of peace and that peace is woven through everyday interactions and conversations and that it is as much their issue as that of “important” men who are considered “expert.” If we can create a sense of validation within women that they too can and must engage with “high” and “low” peace concerns, it would make a big difference.

  1. Was there any outside support that was vital to ensuring women’s engagement? If so, what can we learn from the timing, duration and how that support was given? What support might have helped but wasn’t forthcoming? What support was counter-productive and why? 

If women waited for outside support, they would get very little done. Difficult as it is, I would say that self-help is the secret to the endurance of women’s efforts. What we should be doing is identifying and reinforcing these efforts in the ways that women themselves identify.

Money always helps, but money comes with onerous reporting requirements. Accountability need not be tied to reporting in cumbersome formats. More important than money may be help in kind—computers, subsidising internet connections or a generator, making meeting space available or paying for it. Without impinging on autonomy.

  1. How can we ensure that the needs and views of the most marginalized are included? What good examples are there of including disabled women? LGBTQI communities?

By having discussions not just about why it is important but helping people journey to finding both the vocabulary for inclusion as well as practical measures (ramps and rails in their offices, for instance, or paying for amplification at a programme or Braille text).

Wazhma Frogh Moderator

Hello everyone:

Thank you so much for taking the time and participating in this discussion this week. There is a lot of in depth knowledge and understanding on WPS agenda and matters among you all and I am hopeful that these perspectives and recommendations will make its way to policy discussions and interventions at the state and UN levels. 

I would like to refer the questions on sharing experiences from Balkans and Europe that friends like Petar and Melica since my experience comes mainly from South Asia. 

This discussion started with questions around global experiences around experiences of local peace building interventions, and lessons learned from those experiences, and women's engagement in political settings in post conflict situations considering the cultural and traditional norms. At the same time discussing the culture of peace amidst conflict and violence is also a central debate within the local peace building interventions. The responses from most of you has focused on your local and then global experiences in peace building, but also many of you raised important policy issues around connecting poverty reduction and women's role in peace building. I very much appreciate the in-depth analysis that came from [~92918] particularly on how women's daily resistance to conflict and violence are the building blocks of working towards a culture of peace in any society. 

This discussion will continue and I hope you will continue the discussion with the new moderators this week as well. All the best, Wazhma 

Dwi Rubiyanti Kholifah

Hi Wazhma, 

My name is Ruby, working for the Asian Muslim Action Network (AMAN), I would like to contribute to the discussion using context of Indonesia, here is my response: 

  1. What good examples are there of women’s engagement in local peacebuilding efforts? What is different about these examples? Why did they work? What helped make them work? What didn’t work? 

When AMAN started to work on strengthening community resilience through the role of interfaiths mothers, it was to prove that women at grassroot level can contribute to sustaining peace in Post conflict area. We set up Women's School for Peace, as an incubator of women leadership, where interfaiths women who vounteerily joined with the process were trained to strengthen their individual capacity, skill on conflict resolution, community organizing and advocacy. After several month engagement in the process of education, the women started to find their own model to engage with local peacebuilding efforts. 

For instance in Village of Sawi Dago, District of Poso, central Sulawesi, to restore relationship among muslim and Christian community members after Armed conflict, group of interfaith women joining in Women's School for Peace using Organic Gardening to engage muslim and christian families. There was strong need to fulfil basic needs of people in hilly area with healthy vegetables, but at the same times, there is urgent need to bring back Muslim and Christian families into trust and strengthen cohesive society. So, Organic gardening was a chosen as a medium for people to repair their relation, prepare better future. Trust was the first element to restore. Through out the process of organic farming, each individuals, women and men and children, provided a space to release their wounded, and find more peaceful way to continue the life. Now, the garden is attracted by many inter faiths group as a gardening lab to learn reconciliation using farming. 

What made this work? We found some factors succeeded the process, such as: 

a. Awareness among inter faith mothers, who are willing to do better after conflict. The present of Women's School for Peace as affirmative action, not only given a new weapon for women to engage in peacebuidling process, but also to increase their strong confidence that they are entitled to be engaged. 

b. Continuation of Women's School for Peace, as learning media for women and girls to increase their leadership capacity, being supported by village authority and manage by inter faith mothers. 

c. Abandoned land that can be used to grow vegetables and grow trust

d. Community contribution; we have limitation on project, but using trust, community can contribute in continuing the project. Our organization always be ready to be contacted when community needs. We don't treat community as project site. They are our family. 

What does not work? 

a. Working limited to project; Working on peacebuidling need to have long term commitment beyond project. With or without money building resilience need to do. 

b. Engage with government when community is not strong enough. CSO and government have different culture of work. To avoid something instant happening, we need to create level of militancy among women groups, with strong skill on problem analysis, skill on conflict resolution, and more knowledge surrounding their village. 

How have women managed to engage in local political decision-making post-conflict? What effect has that had on others’ lives? 

They women need to have a strong organization where she is affiliating. Without organization, it is difficult to be engaged in decision making process in community, especially when patriarchal culture is still strong. So, inventing to create strong organization and collective leadership among women are crucial. Because all people joining in decision making process, are representing organisations, so, women need to organised them self and come up with collective strong voices, and be ready to have written document submitted to the development planning meeting at village level. 

When women engaged in decision making process, at least specific agenda such as reproductive health and education, literacy program for women, etc. though it is difficult to change the mainstream, with present of women who can explain why do women need support of reproductive health services and others, with concrete data and solution, the meeting often agreed on. 

Was there any outside support that was vital to ensuring women’s engagement? If so, what can we learn from the timing, duration and how that support was given? What support might have helped but wasn’t forthcoming? What support was counter-productive and why? 

External support needed by women in the community such as: 

1. Commitment of long term support; As AMAN working beyond project, our engagement in community never end, but reduce the role and intervention. As external power, a learning organization like us, will be strategic, because we are growing together with community we work. at least 10 years with different treatment to move to independency / Resilience

2.  Transformative leadership; Our goal to work in community is to create self resilience and economic independent among people. All efforts to push the process to create resilience among people, our organisation will take it up. But, it is also important to recognise the existing resources inside the community 

3.  Recognition, support and replicate; As NGO working with limited resources, than movement need to recognise the good practices, support the existing women initiatives by included into development planning, and replicate to other communities and provide sufficient support. other wise, all good practices remain a pilot project. It will never been to be massive project of transformation. 


Wazhma Frogh Moderator

Thank you Dwi. I have heard great stuff from AMAN from my colleague Samira Hamidi who had joined one of your conferences in Indonesia some years back, great to be connected. I see there is a lot we can learn from this experience. 

Your story from Sawi Dago reminded me of the times we worked with women in kitchen gardens inside their homes during the Taleban through our organization - and we used to bring 4-5 women and girls together on a garden where they would grow tomatoes but also discuss family issues, health matters and create a bond that could help them survive the isolation that the Taleban had enforced on them. We used to write words on the mud with sticks and when we heard the men entering the house, then with our hands we would scatter the mud so they wouldn't read what we wrote. Women have great coping mechanisms especially when they come together. 


Vera Damjanovic Moderator

I would also like to thank everyone on my own behalf for participating in the first week's discussion and for the very useful inputs that you shared. I am happy and honored to be here with you and looking forward to further exchange of experiences and suggestions, led by guiding questions raised in the beginning of our conversation.

The active participation of women in overall state/society functioning is highly important but still, we are facing many challenges even in a very developed parts of the world. On the other hand, additional focus should be put on measures and action taken in post conflict areas, in order to explore a huge amount of opportunities and, at the same time, face challenges amplified by developments in conflict-affected regions. Moreover, experiences and best practices from a local level are more than valuable, especially because they address real necessities and problems that individuals are dealing with in everyday life.

Feel free to share your ideas, questions and experiences.

Kindest regards,


Bojana Bulut

I am very happy to join the conversation and share my views on this topic.

Even though the role of women has changed and improved over the years, women still hold inferior position to men and unfortunately, there is still significant room for improvement regarding this matter all over the globe. I believe that good strategic planning and clear identification of needs of all members of society in post-conflict period can result in strengthening the role of women and contribute to well-being of people. The presence of women in peace negotiation table leads to implementation of a gender perspective in negotiation decisions. Participation of women in peace negotiations, as well as participation in transition process after a conflict is the only way that leads to real political and economic reconstruction of a society and social structure. Speaking of the improvement of women’s position in post conflict countries we should not lose sight of economic context which is highly important, bearing in mind that we cannot speak about real women’s independence or gender equality without women's economic independence and empowerment. In this regard, the effective use of post conflict help-funds is of crucial importance, meaning spending strategies should secure empowering women affected by conflicts. There is slow pace of progress in postwar countries and it should be taken into account that money mismanagement could deepen the differences and bad practices, which would, again, lead to worse position of women. Peace is a precondition for sustained economic growth, furthermore, economic stability and prosperity can foster peace. Finally, post conflict period might be used as an opportunity for promotion of women’s role in society and important step to politically mature country.











Vera Damjanovic Moderator


Dear Bojana,

Thank you very much for your contribution. You emphasized the important aspect of post conflict recovery. The economic context represents a very important, inevitable component that should be addressed in order to minimize obstacles and create an environment for women’s protection and empowerment. Financial aid is crucially important but achieves its goal only through meeting the real needs of men and women in the society. In that sense, coordination and planning within a society and between international actors should be one of the top priorities, having in mind that we are, unfortunately, witnessing quite often practices of overlapping and mismanagement when it comes to the implementation of measures in peacebuilding processes.

Thank you once again.   

Adeze Ojukwu

Hello moderator and every one. 

I agree with the above submissions and I would like to share my thoughts on roles of women in post-conflict situations and related issues.

The roles of women depend on a number of factors, notably culture, environment, politics and religious tenets.

Different societies accord women varying roles based on their standing on some of the above-mentioned factors and other exigencies.
Women tend to operate within societal values and expectations.
In Nigeria a good number of women have participated in negotiations with terrorist groups for release of abducted girls.
 However sometimes their actions were viewed with suspicions because of the public anger towards these terrorists and their atrocities across several regions.
These mixed reactions sometimes douse the passion of some ladies to participate in post-conflict and  peace activities. 
Under such circumstances,  they refrain from advancing their mediatory plans, because of  risks to  their lives and families.

But in other instances, women succeeded  in providing  huge emotional and physical support for these girls and their babies, as  they are often sexually abused and impregnated by their abductors. 

 Most of these abducted girls became sex slaves to these militants, especially Boko Haram.
Though governments and agencies also provide rehabilitation centres and safety nets for them, older women in the communities often step out to lend their motherly support too.
These noble activities helped in healing the victims and families, as well as in restoring hope to ravaged communities.

Another area that is worthy of note is in providing a culture of peace through creative ways to avert hostilities, especially amongst warring communities.

Women in my area do this through organising themselves at local levels and group interactions  in vegetable markets, activities within faith organizations and neighbourhoods meetings.
For instance some notable women are currently working behind the scenes to de-escalate  the hostilities, arising from land disputes between my town Abagana and neighbouring Ukpo village in Anambra state in  Southern Nigeria.
Women and children suffer a lot during conflicts, so they often make efforts to avert tensions at early stages through mediation and advocacy strategies at personal and community levels.
In some situations, the women are unable to do much, due to the scope and intensity of the conflicts. 
Generally the last century has  witnessed tremendous improvement in the role of women around the world in several areas, including peace-building programmes. 
However a lot more can be achieved, particularly, in developing countries through legislation, training, advocacy, support services, economic empowerment and education.

Democratic societies tend to accord women more leadership positions in government, legislature and judiciary.
In such places adoption and establishment  of  national frameworks on gender equality, which invariably support advancement of women.
Undoubtedly, economic empowerment,  political freedom, functional education, appropriate leadership trainings and other strategic opportunities for women are quite instrumental in ensuring that females contribute significantly both in peace-building initiatives and decision-making processes.
However it is not often so in some parts of Nigeria and some other countries where challenges of finance, illiteracy and traditions tend to limit participation of women in the public and political space.

In the professional sphere, women have done very well with significant numbers of female judges, lawyers, engineers, doctors and journalists, unlike in the past.

I suggest that UN and international human rights organizations may need to periodically review and  strengthen mechanisms for effective adherence to commitments by governments and political leaders to the rights of women generally.

In building a culture of peace, societies should  seek innovative ways, that empower women to participate freely in peace-building processes, as well as, in governance.



Vera Damjanovic Moderator


Dear Adeze,

Thank you very much for sharing your valuable perspective on this topic. Traditional and cultural patterns and norms are, indeed, a very strong factor that shapes behavior, conditions, and relations within a society, as well as the expectations from its members. Likewise, human rights, gender equality and women’s empowerment are often considered secondary issues to be dealt with once a state or region has achieved security.  On the other hand, we are very much aware of how the already challenging position of women can be affected and even deteriorated in times when a state is facing serious security threats, such as terrorism and violent extremism. You shared a very important experience of how we could make a change at the local level despite aggravating factors that cannot be put aside. Innovative solutions, active engagement of international, national and local actors are, for sure, topics that deserve an additional attention, in order to have results and to support immeasurable efforts made at the local level. Inclusion of women in CT and CVE policies and programs is necessary, especially if we take into account their critical role in families and communities. Moreover, educated, prosperous, safe and resilient communities are the best long-term, sustainable deterrent against terrorism and violent extremism.

Wishing you a lot of luck in your work and looking forward to our further discussion.


swedi bilombele
Dear Sir/Madam, Greetings, I hope everything is fine and work’s goes rights during this difficult time of Covid-19 With regard of our consultation online discussion focused on three themes mentioned. Please, in our realities of case of study during this period of post of conflict women are largely very active at the non-governmental organization level. women have played a role through a different mode of action , to intervene in peace building measures as well as peace making . the local marginalized indigenous women are often the main victims in situation of conflict , suffering human rights abuses such as rape , forced pregnancy and abortion , and they often comprise the highest percentage of refugees and internationally displaced people. Moreover , women are often excluded from decision making during peace process and in reconstruction and reconciliation efforts, women have a key role to play in conflict prevention and peace building as evidenced by activities of many women and women’s organizations. Women need to be at the hearty of postwar reconstruction and reconciliation process. Women as victims of war , with some limited references to their roles in societies reconstruction and the overall impact on family roles and responsibilities , the increase a female – headed household , and the expansion of women’s public roles an responsibilities during and following period of conflict . The decrease of men leaves women and children with daily struggle to survive. the girl-child is experiencing increasing marginalization , getting poorer , and facing almost daily sexual abuse or exploitation , humiliating this morality is failing under the stress of war during this period of post war economic and political reforms the differential effects are changes at the local level with regard of involvement and participation of women in the informal sector , the level of performance type of activities are developed enhanced by women’s ( tailoring, husbandry , cooking , business). For a leaders women’s a strong campaigns was been launched in women initiative for peace ‘’ aiming to bring definitively an end to country civil war these campaign was calling on the government to take action in four key areas, to reduce human suffering, bring war criminals to justice, promote peace throughout economic policies , the program was also be carried through the organization of workshops, education and training session, to help introduce the notion on basic respect for the wellbeing of women , and removing all the obstacles to active participation in all spheres of public and private through a full equal share in economic , social , cultural and political decision making , and for social justice , for equality , development and peace , their access to professional opportunities and their earning power , and to take their equal position in society, to take a greater share of family responsibilities, and access particular credit through which women can take action. Women have also spoken in their own voice , on the basis of their own experiences and values and eventually transform structures. With warmest regards. M. Crispin Swedi B.
Jovana Kovačević

Thank you very much for inviting me to join this very interesting discussion.

After reading previous comments, I would say that we all share the same opinion on the particularly important role women play in the prevention and resolution of conflicts, and the positive impact they can have in post-conflict reconstruction and peace building. The participation of women in peace-building processes is a precondition for establishing lasting peace. However, despite being the main civilian victims of conflicts, women, unfortunately, often have a marginal role in post-conflict reconstruction and reconciliation efforts. This situation leads to them being further victimized. Therefore, an indispensable part of the peace-building process is understanding the impact of conflicts on women and taking appropriate measures to ensure their empowerment and security.

Many actors at the international level have been focusing their attention and putting their efforts in raising awareness on this important issue. However, we should not forget that support from the international community is also often crucial in providing women and their organisations in post-conflict zones with necessary means and tools for conducting their activities and achieving a positive impact - particularly when it comes to providing support to victims of conflict, conducting awareness raising activities, and contributing to women economic and political empowerment.

That is why, additional efforts should be explored to provide more coordinated and sustainable support and ensure coherent policy framework for assisting women in post-conflict societies.

Vera Damjanovic Moderator

Dear [~92523] , dear Jovana Kovačević,

Thank you so much for your constructive points.

In post-conflict context, working with women’s groups and others marginalized from pre-existing power structures can build public trust, help to ground reform processes in inclusiveness and improve provisions of security and justice across all parts of the community.  

Gender issues are often of great cultural sensitivity, so while external actors can encourage and support, initiatives should be led by local stakeholders. Please, feel free to share your opinion on activities and measures that should be taken in order to prevent the return to traditional norms after conflict end. Likewise, it is valuable to hear suggestions on how international actors can contribute more. 

Kindest regards.

Adeze Ojukwu

Hello everyone,
The various contributions and experiences, reflect the multi-layered dimensions of conflicts and challenges faced by women and societies generally, in their efforts to create a culture of peace and reconstruction.

I would like to share a few thoughts on building and sustaining an enduring culture of peace in society.

From my experience in Sierra Leone and Nigeria,  building a lasting culture of peace fosters inner healing and unity. 
 But it is usually an arduous process of painstaking efforts involving peace builders as well as financial commitment from various organizations and governments.
Its success also requires adequate planning and dedication by willing members of society, working in tandem with governments and non governmental agencies.
The upsurge of conflicts, particularly in developing countries, is a global concern, because it undermines efforts for the actualization of SDGs.
Urgent attention should be focussed on instituting preventive mechanisms to check the immediate and remote causes of escalating violence in these  nations.
Establishing early warning signals and monitoring mechanisms should be considered, as part of effective strategies to engender stability.
Needless hostilities can be averted by prompt and appropriate responses to grievances in society. 

Relevant  agencies can work more closely with communities and  nations to enunciate strategies to restore stability and economic growth. 
 It may look herculean but it is not impossible to actualize.
Investments in education and skill acquisition trainings, especially in rural places, will help society to jettison  violence and dangerous traditional norms, which often obstruct viable programmes by women.
Patriarchal societies frown at women taking up prominent roles in public spheres in many parts of Nigeria.
Such can be addressed through continuous education, advocacies and media communications.
With such strategies, women are better placed to participate in decision-making processes and peace building, as well as contribute meaningfully to financing projects at personal and public  levels.
This will save the world the colossal waste of lives and monies lost to  fighting brutal wars and undertaking dangerous peace-keeping missions in several countries.  

The reasons for wars and conflicts are myriad but not usually justifiable.
Sadly the consequences, especially loss of lives and properties are often devastating and irreversible.
The impact on families particularly girls and women is horrible and financially burdensome, when male breadwinners lose their lives or businesses during conflicts.
This often exposes women to more discriminations, sexual exploitations and victimizations even in their communities.

Time they say heals all wounds. But this is not often the case in protracted hostilities.

Sometimes wars can stretch over decades, making reconciliation and reconstruction efforts virtually impossible.

 A look at the middle East and the Sahel region of sub-Saharan African illustrates the gravity of these endless battles.

The complexities of these wars often polarise communities, countries and the world.
Peace initiatives both by women and organizations are sometimes, short-lived in such prolonged conflicts.
Women have not been very successful  in building peace in these volatile regions, such as Northern Nigeria, because of threats of being killed, kidnapped, sexually abused or radicalized by the religious extremists. 
For instance, despite huge amounts of money spent on fighting terrorists in  Nigeria, successive governments have not succeeded in eradicating terrorism, because of political and religious dimensions.
These  underlying factors and religious extremities that have continued to stoke the embers of war remain unaddressed.

In many instances, struggles for  power and scarce resources are at the root of some hostilities. This should be considered in creating peace and justice such as in oil rich areas of Nigeria, where militants are  fighting  and kidnapping oil workers and foreigners, due to oil spillage, gas flaring, water pollution and other environmental violations.

Most war mongers are products of societal predilections, as in the case of Boko Haram. They said they do not want western education and its religion.
So they unleash terror on people, markets,  schools, churches, mosques and government buildings in their zeal to establish a religious state.
After the three-year Nigeria civil war, the Eastern region transformed into an economic hub, due to massive investments in education and business ventures by various communities and churches.
 Women were instrumental in establishing schools,  social services and agricultural co-operatives to support family income. 
The egalitarian norm of the people also helped in transforming the region for good.

Violence is often deployed by those who see it as the only  solution to a problem, despite its dangerous consequences on the victims and  aggressors  too.
Prevention they say is better than cure.
Hence I suggest that societies should begin to focus on  building the  culture of peace, hinged on justice, fairness and equity for all, irrespective of race, class, colour and gender.
Investments in peace projects are the vaccines needed to ward off looming conflicts.
Government should ensure that such frameworks will incorporate key reconstructive elements, such as dialogue, advocacy, media action and inclusive participation across gender, faiths, class and creed.

Should government fail in this regard, human rights groups  should organize mass mobilizations to press the demand for initiatives that promote peace, justice and equity.

A culture of peace and gender equality can be spread easily, especially at local levels through traditional communication methods, as well as through conventional mass media and public mobilizations.
 Integration of relevant communication and advocacy materials in government and public institutions would also be beneficial.

There is no quick-fix method that can fit all circumstances, hence various societies should adopt the best approach that suits their situations. 
However such approaches should be continuous and concerted, till the objectives of enduring peace and reconciliation are achieved.

Building a culture of peace is comparable to building a house.

 It requires a good architectural plan, supervisors, workers and resources to actualize.

An enduring peace initiative requires a coalition of forces, involving men, women, youths and government authorities, as well as adequate funding.
It may take time to actualize, but the process can be quickened through a collective approach, as it becomes a shared responsibility for all stakeholders.

 All hands should be on deck, because peace is crucial for progress and prosperity. 

Thanks for your attention and best wishes in your endeavours.

Belinda Hlatshwayo Moderator

Dear Adeze,

Thank you for sharing these valuable insights. Drawing attention to some of the vital points you made, namely:

- Use of whole-of-society approaches that build on traditional modes of communication to assist in elevating peace discourse at local levels, and

- The interconnectedness of the root causes of conflict across different parts of the world.

To the latter point, the note on the risk of patriarchal systems and behaviours posing a risk to the safety and security to women peacebuilders is a sentiment and real-threat that is felt globally. The inverse of this is also true, which you also pointed out. Women have responded to newer forms of conflict such as the rise of violent extremism ideologies, by creating and sustaining counter-narratives which illustrate the need for social cohesion and community development. For example, where community discord is spread with the call for no education, women peacebuilders have sought to build more schools to illustrate the importance of education to development. This is rarely done in the absence of safety risks. Across the world, we see women courageously and innovatively advocating for better education, equitable service delivery and equal access to decision-making roles. Thank you for highlighting that these courageous acts need to be supported by the rest of society - youth, private sector and leaders at different strata, in order for us to achieve sustainable peace.

Many thanks,

Melissa Johnston

1. What good examples are there of women’s engagement in local peacebuilding efforts? What is different about these examples? Why did they work? What helped make them work? What didn’t work? 

  • Peace agreements are significantly more likely to have gender provisions (take gender issues seriously) when women participate in elite peace processes. Women’s participation in peacebuilding increases when there is more political participation and when women’s civil society participation increases.


  • Local peace building offers avenues for women’s empowerment, given their accessibility, but also potential roadblocks. For instance, informal justice systems can have historical legitimacy and be influential in the post conflict restorative justice processes. However, local justice systems have gender justice gaps, and should not deal with criminal cases, or of conflict-related SGBV.
  • In post-conflict Timor-Leste, a great deal of training and awareness-raising has increased the profile of women’s human rights within the formal and informal institutions, such as among village chiefs (Parellada and Wauters 2018). Training on the National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security has involved community level discussions, trainings of village chiefs, and municipal leaders conducted by the Ministry of Social Solidarity. Nonetheless, informal justice systems link to formal ones currently through a triaging system, where the informal system deals with the immediate safety and security of the victim in “serious” cases of GBV and these are then referred to the police. However, “triaging” such cases can limit women’s access to justice by diverting victims from the formal justice system.  

2. How have women managed to engage in local political decision-making post-conflict? What effect has that had on others’ lives? 

  • Many women in many arenas have been able to engage in local political decision making. Local political decision making is often most salient when it resolves disputes between individual and groups at the local level. Some post-conflict peacebuilding has emphasized the importance of community-based dispute resolution mechanisms.
  • In Sri Lanka, Tamil women in Mannar exercise agency to challenge these constraints and promote a broader transformative political arena. Some women attempt to expand the agency of others and to promote a collective voice through which women can be better represented in politics (Gunawardana 2020).
  • Women’s rights advocates are cautious about formalizing such practices, as such processes are governed by men, and privilege men’s rights over women’s rights. Currently, land access negotiations often use traditional dispute resolution. Men, (from high ranked families, village chiefs or veterans) act as negotiators and arbitrators to contest and enable government’s public works at small and large scales, which impacts women’s access to justice (Roll 2015, Johnston 2018).
  • Another salient local issue is access to land. Access is often decided in the informal sphere of inheritance, not through a market and this can help women’s access to land, but patrilineal inheritance in many parts of the world inhibits women’s ownership of this vital economic resource.
  • Male-dominated decision-making on land dispute resolution privileges male interests, and even women with access to resources find justice in disputes very difficult.

3. How do you prevent the return to traditional norms after conflicts end? 

  • Conflict may involve a return to “traditional” norms, or it may re-invigorate or invent new patriarchal norms, using new tools of militarisation, nationalism, or economic restructuring. In other words, patriarchal traditions may not be very old or traditional at all. (cf the confinement of women to an invented private sphere after WWII; the emergence and growth of brideprice in conflict settings, the spread of honour killings, the spread of FGM beyond state boundaries).
  • At least part of prevention of the spread of so-called traditional norms is highlighting the malleability of– emphasising that tradition and culture changes (Hughes 2013).
  • To draw further on the example of land reform, as a rule, informal justice systems generally uphold patrilineal inheritance, patrilocal residence, and patriarchal privilege, even in matrilineal and bilateral kinship systems. However, there is often some flexibility with regard to women’s access to land through male family members. Formalisation of land ownership, especially with compulsory acquisition of so-called communal land by the state may have negative outcomes for women, entrenching state and male control. As a result, more emphasis needs to be placed gender equality aspects of formal law as the source of women’s legal rights to land, and more needs to be done to clarify and enforce regulations and processes of land rights where they protect women’s access, ownership and control over land.
  • In the area of GBV, care must be taken that alternative dispute resolution is not used to reinforce men’s use of violence against women and immunity from prosecution in post-conflict contexts. Minimum measures to mitigate negative outcomes of alternative dispute resolution would ensuring non-legal entities cannot arbitrate in cases of gender based violence. Another effective measure could be to eliminate compensation payments or payments to traditional mediators, elders etc.
  • In drafting post-conflict legal codes, these should not limit women’s human rights to bodily autonomy, reproductive health (Davies and Harman 2019), divorce, separation and welfare in widowhood.
  • Local Translation – Women’s civil society organisations are the prime movers in implementing gender sensitive peacebuilding and they must be supported as they translate gender across language and cultural boundaries, and assert their feminist perspectives. Some backlash against new rights for women is expected in post-conflict contexts, but local women’s organisations must be supported in their goals. This includes by male champions of change inside donor communities. Too often gender issues are ghettoised, making them easy targets for backlash.

5. What examples are there of imaginative alternatives that help create a culture of peace? What helped make them work? What didn’t work? 

  • Economic and social rights often constitute part of the root causes of conflict. Rights to healthcare, employment, social assistance, housing, and education are a major preoccupation in the post conflict moment (True, Rees, Chinkin, Porobić, Mlinarević, Svedberg 2017)

6. Was there any outside support that was vital to ensuring women’s engagement? If so, what can we learn from the timing, duration and how that support was given? What support might have helped but wasn’t forthcoming? What support was counter-productive and why? 

  • Given war making and economic policy often focus on men, women in conflict affected areas are often highly reliant on outside support.  International organisations help women have their voices heard, be part of planning, to take gendered inequalities seriously, and provide resources to local women implementing gender mainstreaming (Chilmeran 2020).
  • In the case of gender mainstreaming of WPS in UN-run Timor-Leste, there were no adequate levels of funding and staffing for the Gender Affairs Unit (Whittington 2003). The capacity building programmes have resulted in broad knowledge of gender throughout the public service, in policy like gender responsive budgeting, but flow on effects to the most vulnerable women have been limited.
  • As funding dries up, women’s organisation become even more dependent on project-based funding. Sometimes they are encouraged to run microfinance to recoup costs, leading to negative outcomes for borrowers and mission drift for organisations.
  • Greater attention to gender responsive budgeting in post-conflict situations may ameliorate problems with “buying the peace” in demobilisation programs.  
  • Finally, in post-conflict rebuiliding, most economic development strategies are neoliberal emphasizing private sector led growth (at any cost), privatization and austerity.
  • In post-conflict Bosnia-Herzogovina, for example, ‘structural market reforms’ were pushed using political interventions and conditional aid. The UN pushed for tax reform, reduced welfare payments and privatization (True, Rees, Chinkin, Isaković,  Mlinarević. Svedberg 2017)

7. How can we ensure that the needs and views of the most marginalized are included? What good examples are there of including disabled women? LGBTQI communities?

  • From an economic perspective, the state must play a role in the support of the most marginalised, as market based solutions will likely be inadequate.
Belinda Hlatshwayo Moderator

Dear Melissa,

Thank you for sharing the insightful inputs on local peacebuilding. For ease of reference, please see itemized response below:

  • Local Judicial Systems

Thank you for noting the link between formal and informal systems, and how operationally they often further marginalize women. As you mentioned, there have been efforts to provide gender-responsiveness training to village-level leaders, however, as seen in the examples shared, there is a disparate lack of gender-sensitivity operationally. It has been noted, that the reason for this stems from the structural inequalities and prevailing harmful gender norms and stereotypes at the local-level. Your comment outlined some of these inequalities well with the example of treatment of women sexual and gender-based violence survivors. The further assessment of taking a top-down approach to change these systems is also noted. An example of where this has proved successful can be given of the South African Constitutional Court case of Bhe and Others v The Magistrate, Khayelitsha and Others where the court made a decision against the concept of male primogeniture in the customary law of succession. This precedent set the course for more case law and legislation that impact the adjudication of succession and land rights at the local level; drastically changing women's level of access to property and land; even when they advocate for their rights through informal or customary judicial systems.

Nevertheless, top-down legislation alone often is insufficient to ensure that women's realities are reflected in formal and informal local judicial systems. There needs to be a whole-of-society approach to consistently advocate, analyse and implement gender-responsive adjudication. For example, in Nepal, the Constitution and the newly-established federal system requires at least 30% participation of women at every level (national and provincial). Local judicial committees were further instituted in 2017 for responsive adjudication at local-levels. Similar issues that you noted, of lack of capacity on gender-justice, were noted upon the formation of these committees, and women's civil society organizations, local deputy mayors, national authorities and the international community have set out to provide training to ensure that the committees under this system are equipped with knowledge of gendered adjudication to be reflected in their practice within their respective contexts. This response would look different in different peace contexts, but it does provide a guide of interventions that may prove successful in time.

Some food-for-thought: you noted that in informal systems, men from particular economic classes are the negotiators and adjudicators. Of further concern is the level to which women have access to practice in these roles as judges/negotiators/community mediators. Are there any examples you could share where advocacy has led to more women's participation in this area? Further noting, that we need to consider women as users of judicial systems, as well as active participants in decision-making and adjudication themselves.

  • Local Market Forces

Funding for active women's civil society has been of great concern over the years. Here, would like to hear some of your views on how we can shift course on the funding conversation. Learning from several youth-movements globally, youth civil society working on Youth, Peace and Security has often used youth entrepreneurship to help sustain advocacy efforts. Are there any best-practices that you have encountered that have led to different models of WPS advocacy-funding that we could learn from as well?

  • Women in Peacebuilding

Joining forces, and ensuring that women's voices are heard through the power of collective advocacy is a great example of how WPS advocates worked to shift the narrative. We have seen this in Liberia, Sierra Leone, Afghanistan, Yemen and Sudan (to name a few - there are many more). However, again we see the issue of sustainability as a cause for concern which presents itself in different forms:

  1. During conflict - sustaining local, national and regional advocacy of women's groups through the conflict to the signing of peace agreements
  2. Post-conflict - sustaining advocacy to ensure the implementation of gender-inclusive policies at local level; including more women in decision-making roles, reform of governance, sustaining peace and security structures to be more gender-inclusive.

If you have any best-practices you could also share here, that would be great. All these examples will only serve to help all move the needle on implementation of WPS.

Many thanks,

Vera Damjanovic Moderator


Week 2 Discussion Room Summary


Dear all,

Thank you very much for taking participation in this week discussion. The experience and suggestions that you shared highlighted various aspects of our topic and set the pace for final recommendations as well as the follow up of the consultation.  

During the previous week we discussed and emphasized the following:

  • A good strategic planning and clear identification of needs of all members of society in post-conflict period as a very important step towards strengthening the role of women and well-being of the society in general;
  • The economic context in post-conflict countries focusing on women’s economic independence and empowerment, and the significance of effective allocation of help-funds;
  • The impact of lack of education, traditional, religious and cultural factors on women’s position within the society, and their interconnection at local and international level;
  • Women’s role and position in countries faced with specific security threats such as terrorism, emphasizing their contribution at the negotiating table, victim support and promotion of the culture of peace;
  • The importance of women’s engagement in local communities through NGOs’ work and help provided to the marginalized groups that suffer the consequences of armed conflicts;
  • Transitional justice mechanisms and the promotion of peace throughout economic policies;
  • International community’s help and support in providing women and their organizations in post-conflict zones with necessary means and tools for conducting their activities, emphasizing that the additional effort should be explored in order to increase coordination and sustainability throughout the coherent policy framework;
  • Building, sustaining and enduring culture of peace that requires adequate planning and engagement of all stakeholders in the society;
  • Use of traditional modes of communication to assist in promoting peace discourse at local levels;
  •  Concerns about the possibility of rising tensions and conflicts in developing countries that requires a strong focus on preventive measures, early warning signals and monitoring mechanism.

Looking forward to your further contribution! Stay safe and motivated!



Read summaries of the previous weeks of the consultation:


Kaltumi Abdulazeez

Dear Wazhma.

Greetings from Nigeria and thanks for moderating this very important topic that focuses on women participation in decision making and peace negotiation processes.

A lot has been said already and we all know and agree that women are left behind in all spheres of leadership and decision making. However,  I will recommend that we focus more on how to empower and build the capacity of women in peace building to be able to mitigate and manage conflict professionally. This is important because many local peace builders are not recognized and carried along in professional development discussion at local, national, regional or international level. Often time the requirements for participation are too high for them to meet there by leaving them behind and they play more practical role at community level.

In summary, I will suggest more collaboration to be done with Community Based Organizations to identify and train substantive women with prospects of making real life impact in her community and society at large.

Thank you.

Bridget Osakwe

UNSC resolution 1325 is first and foremost about peace and security but rooted on the premise that women’s inclusion in the peace process, their perspectives or their contribution to peace talks will improve the chances of attaining viable and sustainable peace.

Women and girls are best positioned to predict signs of conflicts and radicalization of other family members. Unfortunately, they are unable to frame and report such signs and sometimes when they report, such information are waved away as “gossip”; this is often missed opportunities for early responses. Hence, women and girls in conflict settings should be trained on “counter-radicalization” narratives to be able to suppress extremism once it emerges in their families and communities.

A good example is the WANEP early warning system and the balanced participation of women in peacebuilding is strategic to WANEP’s overall vision of preventive peacebuilding and sustainable development within the country and the sub region at large as a result of the recognized critical role women play in peace and human security. The recognition of this strength and commitment to expand their inherent opportunity has motivated WANEP towards a gendered peacebuilding work through the creation of a ‘space’ for women through the Women in Peacebuilding Network (WIPNET) to effectively participate in conflict transformation and development within communities. Thus, WANEP stresses gender equity and balance in its intervention strategies and program implementation. The mainstreaming of gender has ensured the empowerment of critical mass of women and women organisations that participate in decision making processes both at the grassroots and policy making level.

WIPNET believes that incorporating gender sensitivity into the collection and analysis process of early warning makes existing models more comprehensive and allows for “ early’’ early warning by anticipating macro-level changes helps in the formulation of responses at a political and humanitarian level in order to address the vulnerabilities of men and women and assure that certain discriminatory policies  are not perpetuated in post-conflict situations. 

I think that early warning and preventive activities can be made more affective by utilising the untapped potentials of woman leaders, women’s organisations and women networks as peacebuilders.  Engendering early warning is based on the three basic hypotheses:

  1. Incorporating gender-sensitive indicators into the collection and analyses


  1. Fine-tuning responses to address the specific vulnerability of men and women

          and ensure non-discrimination.

  1. Utilising the potentials of men and women organisations as actors for peace.

The rationale for engendering EW rests upon the argument that use of a gender lens enriches early warning analysis and allows for more appropriate response options.

They worked because WIPNET provides a credible platform for women to address social injustices as well as play critical roles in the balanced inclusion of women in policy changes at all levels of the society.  She also equips women with skill to monitor and report signs of radicalization amongst youths and provide women with the tools for critical debate as well as dialogue to challenge extremist beliefs.  She focuses on ending the exclusion of women from peacebuilding structures by building a critical mass of women who will work alongside men in promoting peace and security.

Coordinating the platform of diverse, women, interest, thematic concerns, religion and other divisive issues have hindered the platform to transform into a feminist movement for peace.

Belinda Hlatshwayo Moderator

Dear Bridget,

Thank you for sharing the experiences of WIPNET in creating early warning systems for sustaining peace. Your comment touches on some great strategies that we can draw on:

- Countering the harmful gendered narratives 

It's interesting to see how WIPNET countered the narrative of women as "gossips", by engaging women as part of the early warning system architecture. It speaks to examples we have seen in Pakistan, where women are engaged as community mediators and often work to provide early warning to officials in response to violent extremism concerns. Would be great to see an exchange between women's networks that have done similar work from different regions. [~92409]  could potentially share similar experiences here, on her experiences in Pakistan.

-Community trust and gaining legitimacy

One of the elements you noted that added to the success of the early warning system is creating credible platforms for women peacebuilders by gaining community trust. Could you potentially also share how the early warning system has been incorporated into the governance and security systems? How have institutions responded to this role of women as community mediators, and part of early warning systems? Is there an open line of communication to ensure that the information provided by the women's platform, translates to response by local institutions?

- Development of a critical mass of women peacebuilders

You aptly noted, that the formation of a critical mass of women peacebuilders is invaluable in ensuring implementation of WPS at the local-level. An interesting strategy, that [~92411]  touched on, is the importance of including men as allies and gender champions in advocacy for accelerated implementation of WPS.

Finally, your comment rightfully touched on the rise of violent extremism, and the role that women can play in response to this form of conflict. Please do share any data of success that the platform has had in responding to, and prevention of violent extremism. 

Many thanks,

Victor Okechukwu Chimezie

Hello everyone 🙌🏼

I'm grateful for the the opportunity to engage in this discussion. I'm Victor Okechukwu Chimezie from Mind Reformers Network, Nigeria

In Nigeria there are lot of limitations facing local Peacebuilders and more facing local women Peacebuilders and women in general ranging from cultural limitations to non inclusion in important issues in the country. Women are still playing a very important role in Peacebuilding in Nigeria like Bridget Osakwe of WANEP, Mojisola Ogundiran of UNOYPD Nigeria, Precious Chioma Ajunwa of Galaxy 4 Peace and Kaltumi Abdulaziz. There are also lots of Peacebuilders too in Nigeria doing a lot to keep communities safe and united. Sadly the main challenge is their not been giving enough opportunity to be heard. Female folks in Nigeria makes up at least 49% but sadly make up only 8% of those in governance and yet they and the youths are the most affected during violence with the women facing lots of gender violence and molestation issues in addition to the ills that comes with violence. 

We need to do more to make sure especially in Africa, the voices of women are heard not as second class humans but as Humans just like the male gender too.

We need to do more to see that the UNSCR 1325 and subsequent resolutions on women, peace and security 

Belinda Hlatshwayo Moderator

Hi Victor,

Thanks for joining the conversation, and sharing your inputs; particularly the different women peacebuilders networks working in Nigeria. You noted a great point about the disconnect between the role of women as peacebuilders in their communities not being reflected in equal formal representation. From your experience, how do you think we can start connecting the dots to ensure that women have spaces to meaningfully and formally participate in governance decision-making? 

Drawing here from [~93024] 's comment, are there any structural inequalities at the local level inhibiting progress on women's equal participation? If so, are there any effective models that you have noted to deconstruct them to shift the narrative on women's participation?

Looking forward to your comments and inputs as we all try to conceptualise how we create viable ecosystems for women's substantive decision-making in planning and local peacebuilding.

Many thanks,

Victor Okechukwu Chimezie

[~92372] let's start from advocating for policies that will enable women to be able to participate in decision making as a major stakeholder too. Culture and tradition was made for man and by man and can be reviewed by man. Let's see how to pull female voices together. A strong example is the Nigerian Not Too Young To Run Movement and how they made a strong statement for youths in Nigeria and now more youths are represented though another issue is efficacy but we must first enable involvement from button to top of women and women Peacebuilders. We must also make strong laws to protect them in case the claws of tradition comes again. True women Peacebuilders are doing a lot and they need to be at the decision making table to be able to do more and advocate more for women rights because the decision table is when issues are decided. Consultations like this needs to continue and in member countries stronger than just for formalities sake and women must drive for more and more inclusion

Kenna Williams

Question How do you prevent the return to traditional norms after conflicts end? 

This is simple to enforce provided the path to conflict resolution is successful. If the process is unsuccessful, it will take the lobbying of everyone to see that change is inevitable. Sure it hurts but how can these norms evolve into something greater if we don't evoke change?

Nyasha Phanisa Sithole

Hie all I am from Zimbabwe. Though I was born way after the time when my country was in post colonial war. I still have experienced conflict. What I feel needs to be done is on having clear guidelines on confloct resolution specific to different countries as well as communities. Most of the conflict in my country is very political and I always say whatever is political is also personal. And unless girls and women are engaged in conflict resolution,political leadership then we wont even silence the guns at all. 

Laila Alodaat Moderator

Dear Nyasha, 

Thanks you so much for your contribution, I totally agree with you that a contextual agenda is absolutely crucial for peace building, have you come across any examples of contextualising guidelines and conflict resolution mechanisms that you found helpful and relevant and you would like to see more of?

Eleanor Khupe

What examples are there of imaginative alternatives that help create a culture of peace? What helped make them work? What didn’t work? 

The Friendship Bench (founded and based in Zimbabwe) was an initiative started by Dr Dixon Chibanda in attempt to provide access to therapy/counselling to people and communities who were unable to access it. I believe that a significant part of creating a culture of peace is to bring healing and helping people work through mental health issues. What is especially unique about the Friendship Bench is that the people who have been trained deliver evidence-based talk therapy (which they deliver for free) to over 70 communities in the country, are women, specifically, grandmothers. The progamme helped over 30 000 people in 2017 alone and over 400 grandmothers have been trained. 

This approach has worked well because it not only has given thousands of people accesss to help and healing that they would otherwise have not been able to find, it has given the grandmothers who participate meaningful work to do in a society where there often is not enough work for the old. 


Laila Alodaat Moderator

Dear Eleanor, thank you for sharing this great example with us. The Symbolism and intersectional perspective of the Friendship Bench are remarkable and give a great example of grassroots initiatives that has impact both on the individual and collective level. 

Valerie Cliff

The Asia and the Pacific region has, and continues to face some deep-rooted and multi-layered challenges to inclusion of women in political decision-making. We have seen some improvements on this over the last 10 years, however, still more needs to be done. A ray of hope has been the alignment of advocacy with policy. The Constitutional mandate in Nepal for example requires all legislatures albeit at provincial or national level, constitute at least 30% of women. In Philippines, we have seen some positive steps towards the inclusion of women in the newly formed Bangsamoro Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (BARMM). These are just two examples of a growing trend of increase in women’s participation. What these examples have in common, is that a whole-of-society approach was engaged to ensure inclusive governance. Women civil society groups and peace-builders, continue to find innovative entry points to work with local authorities to increase the rates of inclusive governance and peace-building. On  the 20th anniversary of UNSCR 1325, we recognize that there is still much more to be done to secure women’s equal and substantive participation in political planning and local peace-building. However, what we have learnt is that it is possible to achieve as illustrated by women peace-builders in our region, and worldwide.

Laila Alodaat Moderator

Thank you Valerie for the examples, how did you find the impact of this increased participation on the local and national level? and could you share with us more on BARMM, and which of their methods did you find most relevant and transferable? 

Belinda Hlatshwayo Moderator

[~55249]  thanks. Sharing a link to illustrate some of the work in BARMM in the Philippines. In this instance, what made the difference was sustained and unflinching advocacy - from women's civil society rallying behind the need for peace, to the peace deliberations with active engagement of women leaders, to the formation of inclusive institutions which is ongoing. To date, the Philippines' Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro is the only agreement in history to have a woman serve as Chief Negotiator and sign the peace agreement as such (Miriam Coronel-Ferrer).

For more on our work on connecting between peacebuilders and governments at local and national levels, please follow this link: 'Next Generation Women, Peace and Security: Case Studies in Women's Inclusion' 


CC: [~92344] 


Hi everyone

Greetings from Sri Lanka

Here are my thoughts:

1. Founded by Shreen Saroor, the Manner Women’s Development Federation (MWDF), began a micro credit fund, under the umbrella organization for Women’s Rural Development Societies in Mannar to assist women with a revolving loan system. This was a conscious attempt taken to address the economic constraints of women who were affected during the civil war between the Sri Lankan security forces and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). MWDF has also worked toward justice in several landmark sexual violence cases as well. In a post-conflict context, MWDF aims at bringing together Muslim and Tamil women – two minority ethnic groups in Sri Lanka. As Saroor herself was born and brought up in Mannar, she might have had a wide network to support her. Her knowledge of conflict dynamics would have been an asset for her to reach out to people as well to craft programmes.

2. Sri Lanka takes pride in having elected the world’s first female prime minister – Sirimavo Bandaranaike – who led the country despite having no political experience following the assassination of her husband, S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike. Nevertheless, the recently dissolved 225-member parliament had only 12 female Member of Parliaments (MPs) – a reflection of the heavily male dominated political system. On paper, the much-awaited 2016 introduction of mandatory 25% quota for women’s representation at the local government level was a victory for gender equality. In reality, such legislation was largely exploited to ensure political pathways for women who belong to prominent political families. On the other hand, discussing the challenges faced by women is a rarity in the local political landscape. Sajith Premadasa, the presidential candidate of the New Democratic Front (NDF) who lost to incumbent president Gotabaya Rajapaksa at the 2019 November presidential election, was given the label “Padman” on social media platforms, drawing an analogy between the Bollywood movie inspired by the true story of a man who invented a low-cost device to make sanitary pads for women in his community and his pledge to offer free sanitary napkins for women and girls. Admittedly, this ugly incident downplayed the fact that sanitary napkins were taxed at 100% - another squandered opportunity for political figures to focus on experiences and issues faced by women.  

3. The long-standing custom of dowry is one of many under-discussed problems that adversely affects young women and their families across the Sinhalese, Tamil and Muslim communities. Underpinned by the perception that marriage is the ultimate goal in a woman’s life, parents save for their daughter’s dowry from birth to purchase property and other valuables such as gold jewelry. With dowry inflation, the girl child is generally considered an economic liability to the family. Arguably, newspaper matrimonial advertisements are indicative of how women are treated as marketable commodities in the marriage market. Although official statistics are not available, the lack of a dowry and inability to provide an adequate dowry have resulted in harassment and violence against women in diverse contexts at different scales. At the height of war, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) banned both casteism and the dowry system in their territories with a view to appeal to marginalized Tamil groups. Contrastingly, in the post-LTTE era, caste consciousness and dowry practices have gradually seeped into the Tamil psyche, resulting in active discrimination against lower classes. Investigating the challenges faced by Northern women in life post-conflict to raise their socio-economic status is vital to bring about meaningful reconciliation. Unless such issues are paid attention to, women’s empowerment is likely to remain another buzzword in the Sri Lankan context.


4. The role of history teaching in reconciliation in post conflict Sri Lanka is a contentious matter. Eleven years after the military defeat of the LTTE, education is still segregated along linguistic/ethnic lines. The history curriculum has been written either to paint the Tamil minority in a negative light, or to promote a Sinhalese version of the history of Sri Lanka, which diminishes or ignores the influence and role of the Tamil minority. However, in 2017, the Ministry of National Coexistence, Dialogue and Official Languages published a booklet named ‘People of Sri Lanka’ with a view to fill the gap that exists in historical narratives that focus on an overarching Sri Lankan identity. Sadly, this publication is yet to be consumed by the general public who are generally unaware of the latest additions to the literacy and /or academic spheres.

5. While Sri Lankan writers who write in English focus on a variety of subjects – poverty, romance and politics, an enduring topic that many books deal with is the legacy of the civil war. Literature offers society a new angle or view point to look at our past. It is a way of learning lessons, an alternative ‘truth and reconciliation’ process. However, when female writers focus on such aspects, the label of ‘female writers’ is given whereas male writers rarely receive such taglines.

6. Lack of political will to ensure women’s participation is a huge barrier to go forward. On the other hand, women are discouraged from entering into politics from their families and/or partners. Very often, the political arena is perceived as a space which is not women-friendly. On social media platforms, female politicians are constantly verbally attacked.      


Women empowerment and the rights of the LGBTQI community should go hand in hand. In 2016, Sri Lanka’s Supreme Court condemned the current penal codes criminalizing same-sex relations; however, the laws remain on the books. The existing legal status, however, has not prevented the LGBTQI community from standing up to their rights, at least in the recent past.

On the other hand, casteism is another less-discussed issue in the Sri Lankan context. There are three parallel caste systems in Sri Lanka: Sinhala, Sri Lankan Tamil and Indian Tamil. While there is no uniform notion of untouchability in these three caste systems, caste discrimination of some kind is found in each one. On the basis of limited data available, a 2009 study estimated that about 20 to 30 per cent people in Sri Lanka are victims of CBD of one kind or another (Silva, Sivapragasam & Thanges 2009). In an increasingly caste-conscious and materialistic society, displaced Northern women experience double discrimination in matrimonial affairs – being landless and low-caste.

Dayani Panagoda Moderator

thank you for valuable inputs. I agree with your points and despite efforts made we are still struggling to get though this much needed reforms 


Hello everyone - thank you for inviting me to this rich discussion!
I can see that so many excellent points have already been made.

One thing that we have witnessed through our peacebuilding work in local communities at GNWP is the importance of meaningful participation of local women and youth peacebuilders in the design of policies, plans and programs from the very beginning.

Our Localization of UNSCR 1325 strategy allows for such an approach: it brings together governors, council members, traditional chiefs, religious leaders, such as priests or imams, teachers and police and military officers, as well as women and young people from local communities. Together, they analyze the needs of their community, the threats that women face in their local context, and the concrete actions that are needed. They also discuss global and national policies - such as the Women and Peace and Security resolutions, Nation Action Plan for their implementation, or National Gender Strategy - and identify concrete actions needed to implement these in the local community, and address the needs and security challenges they identified.

Localization leads to the adoption of local action plans, local policies and/or integrating of gender- and conflict-sensitive language into existing legislation. Because these plans and policies are co-designed and co-created by local women and local authorities, they are more likely to be implemented and effective, and bring about concrete change.

A few examples of Localization of UNSCR 1325 impact include:

- In Uganda, following the Localization workshops and adoption of Local Action Plans, local women continued to work with local police officers (who also participated in Localization) to create gender desks and community liaisons in police stations. This led to an increase of reporting of SGBV by almost 600% - from 435 in 2014, to more than 2,500 each year since Localization took place.

- In the Philippines, during Localization, local women came together with traditional leaders, including members of a century-old and previously all-male local conflict resolution council (Bodong) . The participants discussed the importance of women's participation for sustainable and inclusive peace. This led to the inclusion of 5 women in the Bodong council after Localization. The omen immediately have contributed to the inclusion of suggested including trauma healing and reconciliation in the activities of the Bodong. They also travelled in their communities to spread messages of peace, and make it clear that violence against women is unacceptable.

- In Georgia, a representative of the Prime Minister's office participated in the Localization, along with the representatives of the local government, and local women including internally displaced persons. In Georgia, more than 10 years after the end of the war, 200,000 people, most of them women, are still not able to return to their homes. This puts economic pressure both on women and men living in regions that host many displaced people. In the village of Ganmukhuri, local women shared that they were unable to get jobs, because there was no public bus that could take them to the bigger town of Zugdidi, and most of them did not have access to other means of transportation. This also meant that they couldn’t join meetings and discussions to influence decisions about their region and their lives. When they shared this concern with local council members and representatives of the Prime Minister office, who met with them during Localization, the authorities decided to establish a bus line between Ganmukhuri and Zugdidi. There are also plans to create more public bus lines to help more women access jobs and decision-making.

For more information, see:



Bridget Osakwe

The broader society may not be interested in efforts to prevent violent conflict, or may promote values that are counterproductive to building resilient especially for women. For example, there may not be community support for girls’ education, or even negative criticism of the existence of a girls’ school; or hateful narratives against women and girls.

It is important that skills and knowledge leading to more resilient women are reinforced also at home.  The community can be leveraged in a number of ways.   In cases where religion is misrepresented and misinterpreted and used as a justification to perpetrate terrorist and violent acts, credible religious leaders and actors can play an influential role in reinforcing ideals of human rights and respect for all.   The private sector can be leveraged with respect to ensuring appropriate jobs are available on the market based on skill level; offering vocational training and life skills and investing in building economic base to reduce vulnerability of women and girls.

Zaynab Elsawi

Hi everyone;

This is Zaynab Elsawi from Sudan

The incredible role that Sudanese women played in the revolution and after the extreme marginalization and discrimination against them for the last 30 years was remarkable by the whole world. Their success was reflected in the Constitutional Document of the Transitional Period 2019, which was signed by the Forces for Freedom and Change (FFC) and the Military Transitional Council (MTC) in August 2019. Chapter 2 Article 7 of the Constitution Document guarantee and promote women’s rights in Sudan in all social, political, and economic fields, and combat all forms of discrimination against women, considering provisional preferential measures in both war and peace.  

Belinda Hlatshwayo Moderator

Hi [~93129] ,

Thanks for sharing this comment. Truly the work of the women peacebuilders has been inspiring, and as you noted, much can be learnt from global support galvanized to shift the narrative on women's participation. A quick question on continued advocacy to ensure implementation of the noted rights - have you noticed a change in the tone of public discourse on women actively participating in security and governance? Are there any advocacy strategies planned by women's civil society/women peacebuilders/institutions to ensure alignment between policy and practice, in relation to women decision-makers at the local-level?

Looking forward to your inputs and comments. 

Many thanks,

Zaynab Elsawi

Hi Belinda,

Thank you very much for you comment and concern. Responding to your question, Women movements and civil society organization are doing a great job interm to advocacy so far we achieved the following; 2 women in the sovereign council, first to happen in the Middle East, a First woman Foreign Minister in Sudan and a first Chief Justice in the middle East and first head of the University of Khartoum to be a woman. In addition to that, female genital mutilation is criminalized and 40% female representation in the parliament is enshrined in the transitional constitution. A national action plan of the UNSCR 1325 is endorsed. These achievement is an out come of the advocacy done.

dr faiza

تحية طيبة للجميع 

وشكرا للدعوة الكريمة 

مساهمة المرأة في بناء السلام تعتمد على تقوية المجتمع المدني الذي يضطلع بدور فاعل في ظل ظروف استثنائية 

صراع سياسي من جهة واقتتال وتطرف ديني يدفع بالمرأة إلى عدم المشاركة في صنع القرارالسياسي وعدم تولى الوظائف



منظومة تشريعية لم تول لم تدرج بنود القرار 1325 والقرارات المتعلقة به موضوع التنفيذ الأمر الذي يجعل من المشاركة في بناء السلام رهنا بشخوص فاعلين قد يتسبب عدم قبول بعضهم في التأثير على نجاح دور المرأة في المساهمة الفاعلة لبناء السلام 

 الافتقار إلى التخطيط الاستراتيجي الرسمي وغير الرسمي لوضع خطة وطنية لتنفيذ القرار 1325 والقرارات ذات العلاقة 

وبرامج تدريبية لم تعمل على تطوير من تم تدريبهن والانتقال من تدريب إلى آخر يستنزف الأموال ولا يحقق غايات وأهداف حقيقة على الأرض 


وتواجه المرأة الليبية تهديدات أمنية بسبب التطرف الديني والفكري والتقني أيضا 

إذ أن تزايد أعداد المدارس الدينية التي تعمل خارج سيطرة وزارة التعليم منذ 2013م 

وتزايد مواقع التواصل والصفحات بالواتس والفايبر التي تدفع بالمرأة إلى الانغلاق على ذاتها والاكتفاء بالسلبية 


ومن ناحية أخري تسبب الم{اة في استمرار الصراع عندما تدفع بابنائها إلى الحرب من أجل الانتقام أو المال 

بسبب عدم وعيها أو لوعيها وتعصبها 

لذلك من الضروري ان نستهدف النساء بمختلف مستوياتهن لا فقط الناشطات لنتمكن من صنع سلام حقيقي 

فقد لاحظنا أن عدد من الناشطات يبتعدن عن الموضوعية ويتطرفن بانتمائهن لطرف دون آخر  الأمر لا يحقق سلام مجتمعي 

لذلك من المهم استخدام وسوائل التواصل التقليدية والحديثة معا لان الثانية يستخدمها الشباب وصغار السن واغلبهم لا يهتموا الا بالالعاب الحربية التي  لها مردود سلبي على السلام 

ولقد اسخدمت في الحرب كما أشار تقرير صحفي لاذاعة 24 فرنسا

ولن يتأتي بناء السلام إلا بوضوع خطة وطنية  يشارك فيها اصحاب المصلحة 

تبادلت معكم  افكار بسيطة وسيكون لي متابعة لاحقة 

دمتم بخير   

Anouk Heili Moderator

Thank you Dr Faiza for sharing your insights on women and civil society's roles in peacebuilding as well as the threat to their participation. You emphasize the negative role of schools opening outside the control of the Ministry, as well as the need to adapt communication tools to target young people. Could you share more on strategies that have been used by women activists in Libya to ensure that young men and young women are part of the efforts to build peace and the culture of peace you refer to?


Looking forward to hearing from you! 

dr faiza


يسعد مساكم  جميعا

ومرحبا سيدة انوك 

وفيما يتعلق بسؤالك بشأن  مشاركة المزيد حول الاستراتيجيات التي استخدمتها الناشطات في ليبيا لضمان مشاركة الشباب والشابات في الجهود المبذولة لبناء السلام وثقافة السلام 

لقد تم استهداف الشباب بدورات تدريبية لتأهيلهم وتنمية مهاراتهم وقدراتهم في مجالات التفاوض والوساطة 

ومنظمات شبابية تعمل  من اجل تمكين الشباب من  الوصول للدولة المدنية والمساهمة في الحراك الديمقراطي 

وتنظم دورات تدريبية لنبذ العنف وترسيخ قيم التسامح والسلام 

وكانت هناك زيارات لعدد من المدن -  شخصيا-  قمت بزيارات الى العجيلات وبني وليد  وجفارة

 وسبها كما ذكرت في مداخلة سابقة وبنغازي 

وهناك منظمات عملت على ترسيخ تلك القيم بين اهل تاورغاء ومصراتة حتى تمكنوا من الوصول للمصالحة 

ولقد نظم اتحاد  طلاب جامعة طرابلس نشاطات مختلفة لتحفيز الشباب على المشاركة في عملية احلال  بناء السلام

وشارك  مجموعة من الشباب  جلسات الحوار في مؤتمر الشباب الدولي ليتعلموا صنع مستقبلهم بعيدا عن العنف ويسهموا في مساعدة مجتمعهم  

واعلم ان عدد من المنظمات تعمل لبناء الثقة فيما بين بني وليد ومصراتة

كما نحتاج الان إلى بناء الثقة بين الليبيين بسبب ما خلفته الحرب على طرابلس من اثار سلبية  

ان العمل الذي يؤسس على منهج علمي قوامه التأهيل والتدريب وتنمية القدرات لإشراك الشباب في برنامج المصالحة والسلم المجتمعي  لبناء السلام  والعبور من مرحلة النزاع إلى السلام الايجابي  

dr faiza

ويتوجب التركيز على بناء ثقافة السلام لمواجهة موجة العنف التي تجتاح ليبيا تحديدا 

حيث أثر الصراع السياسي والفكري على استقرار المجتمع 

وتسبب في تفشي ثقافة العن بدل ثقافة السلام والتسامح

وهو مجموعة الانماط السلوكية الحياتية والمواقف التي  

 تدفع الإنسان إلى احترام إخوانه من بني البشر، ورفض الإساءة إليهم والاعتداء عليهم، وممارسة العنف ضدّهم، وقبول

الاختلاف بين الناس

فما بالك الاساءة بين الأخوة وأبناء العمومة من نفس العائلة أو القبيلة 

لقد فقد الانسان روح التسامح واستبدله بالعنف كوسيلة أساسية للتعبير 

الأمر الذي يوجب التفكير في افضل السبل لمواجهة ذلك 

بما في ذلك تأثير ألعاب مثل البوجي على الشباب من الجنسين 

خاصة وان المرأة والطفل والفئات المهمشة الضعيفة هي الأكثر تضررا من تفشي العنف في ليبيا 

ان إعادة بناء الثقة بين الليبيين يتطلب ارادة دولية حقيقة  بعيدا عن مصالحها الاقتصادية والسياسية 

التي تسببت بصورة مباشرة في انتهاك حقوق المرأة والانسان عامة في ليبيا 

حيث كان التدخل 2011م لحماية المدنيين الذي تركوا ليعانوا من الحروب خلال العشر سنوات ولتكون معاناتهم اضعاف مضاعفة 

ان السلام المحلي يتطلب إرادة دولية قوية تؤثر على الفاعليين السياسيين وتدعم المجتمع المدني الحقيقي لا الذي استغل التمويلات  الدولية للإثراء لا خدمة المجتمع وتحقيق غايات المشاريع   

Anouk Heili Moderator

Dr Faiza: thank you for sharing strategies for involving young men and women in the planning and political process: the need to build skills to participate in the dialogue is critical. I take note of the important initiatives by women peacebuilders to build a culture of peace with young people at its core. The work with universities is also an interesting example of how young people can be involved. It would be interesting to hear more examples from other countries on this important topic of the inclusion of the needs and views of young people as well as minority groups

dr faiza

يسعد اوقاتكم 

نعم ان احلال السلام لن يتأت في ليبيا او البلاد التي تعاني من ويلات بسبب الحرب وانتشار الفساد والتطرف 

الا باشراك كافة المكونات والفئات بالاستفادة من خبرات القدامة وتطوير مهارات الشباب وادماجهم في المجتمع ليصبحوا قادة فاعليين يواجهون الانحرافات لا ان يتسببوا في تزايدها 

ان ترسيخ قيم الشفافية والمواطنة  قبل ذلك والعدالة  وفي مقدمتها العدالة الانتقالية لنتمكن من بناء مجتمع متصالح 

يحترم المرأة ويمكنها من الاضطلاع بدور فاعل لصنع السلام المجتمع في مرحلة ما بعد الصراع 

وهو ما يوجب دفع صانعي القرار لتقنين القرار 1325 والقرارات ذات العلاقة ضمن السياسات 

بما يكفل تمكين المرأة والشباب والاقليات من الانخراط في صنع السلام وتعزيزه وبناء دولة المؤسسات  في ظل دستور دائم 


Dayani Panagoda Moderator

The young and women play a key role in building communities thus their participation in politics and the whole process of decision making I process is crucial 



Dayani Panagoda Moderator

Women’s leadership and political participation

Photo: UNMIT/Martine Perret

Photo: UNMIT/Martine Perret

From the local to the global level, women’s leadership and political participation are restricted. Women are underrepresented as voters, as well as in leading positions, whether in elected office, the civil service, the private sector or academia. This occurs despite their proven abilities as leaders and agents of change, and their right to participate equally in democratic governance.

Women face several obstacles to participating in political life. Structural barriers through discriminatory laws and institutions still limit women’s options to run for office. Capacity gaps mean women are less likely than men to have the education, contacts and resources needed to become effective leaders.

As the 2011 UN General Assembly resolution on women’s political participation notes, “Women in every part of the world continue to be largely marginalized from the political sphere, often as a result of discriminatory laws, practices, attitudes and gender stereotypes, low levels of education, lack of access to health care and the disproportionate effect of poverty on women.”

Individual women have overcome these obstacles with great acclaim, and often to the benefit of society at large. But for women as a whole, the playing field needs to be level, opening opportunities for all.

Zara Elh Mamadou

Bonjour à tous depuis Agadez, au Niger,

Je suis Zara Elh Mamadou, présidente de l’antenne d’Agadez de Tchimakrassene, l’Association des Femmes Nigériennes contre la Guerre (A.F.N.C.G.), qui travaille sur la paix et la réconciliation.

L’association a été mise en place en 1998 lors d’un atelier régional tenu au Sénégal, à Dakar, financé par une fondation américaine, auquel nous avons participé avec Mme Ben Aïchatou, qui est la présidente de l’association nationale. Il regroupait des représentantes des pays de la région qui ont connu des conflits armés, et nous avons mis en place à Dakar ce qu’on avait appelé la « Coalition des femmes africaines contre la guerre ». Chaque délégation, une fois de retour au pays, devait mettre en place une structure nationale. C’est comme ça que nous avons mis en place ici au Niger la « Coalition des Femmes Nigériennes Contre la Guerre ». Nous avons ensuite changé l’appellation en Association des Femmes Nigériennes contre la Guerre, et obtenu notre agrément en 2006.

Quand la première rébellion a éclaté au nord Niger en 1991 contre le système de gouvernance, les femmes de la région d’Agadez se sont vite mobilisées pour sensibiliser les autres communautés sur l’importance de circonscrire le conflit afin que celui-ci reste entre les deux principaux partis concernés et éviter que les populations civiles soient victimes. Les femmes ont pris conscience des risques de l’insécurité, quelle que soit sa forme, et se sont impliquées dans le processus de règlement des conflits, organisées en vie associative.

Le gouvernement considérait que les rebelles étaient des bandits, avec lesquels on ne pouvait pas se retrouver autour d’une table pour négocier. Mais les rebelles ne l’entendaient pas de cette oreille. Le résultat était toujours plus de victimes de part et d’autre. Nous, les femmes de la région d’Agadez, on s’est levées, on a dit : « Non, écoutez, nous on pense que, qu’ils soient bandits ou rebelles ou militaires, on a quand même une responsabilité, ne serait-ce que morale. » Parce que ce sont les enfants des nigériens ! C’est des nigériens qui vont pleurer, c’est des nigériennes qui vont perdre leur mari, c’est des nigériens qui vont perdre leurs enfants. Donc nous on doit agir en tant que nigériennes. Qu’ils soient bandits ou militaires, c’est vraiment pas notre affaire, notre objectif, c’est de mettre fin à ce conflit, pour qu’il n’y ait plus toutes ces veuves, tous ces orphelins…

Depuis la première rébellion, nous les femmes d’Agadez, on a décidé en toute souveraineté et en toute responsabilité de dire : « Il faut qu’on soit au-dessus de la mêlée pour éviter le pire ». Le pire, c’est que ce conflit-là fasse des victimes au niveau des populations civiles. La rébellion c’est contre un système, pas contre une communauté, pas contre une ethnie, mais contre un système de gouvernance. Notre objectif, notre défi, c’était la paix. Et pour y arriver, il fallait qu’on soit unies, nous les femmes, déjà au niveau de la région d’Agadez, que les femmes de toutes les communautés, toutes les ethnies, parlent le même langage et partagent ce même objectif. Surtout que, au Niger on a cette chance d’avoir ce brassage entre les différentes ethnies et communautés (mariages, naissances…).

Nous avons donc travaillé autour de deux objectifs : sensibiliser et lutter contre la pauvreté. La sensibilisation, c’est très important. Nos activités abordent à la fois le suivi de l’éducation parentale, les actions de sensibilisation pour les bonnes pratiques en matière de vie associative, l’implication des femmes pour lutter contre leur isolement, la responsabilisation. Nous faisons par exemple des formations de leaders communautaires sur le trafic d’enfants, qui touche la région d’Agadez, compte tenu de sa position géographique et stratégique, au carrefour entre l’Afrique noire et le Maghreb, des séminaires pour la protection des personnes vulnérables auprès des forces de sécurité nigériennes… Pour cultiver les changements de mentalité et un esprit de solidarité et de tolérance, consolider les acquis et promouvoir l’intégration des femmes dans les instances de prise de décision, au-delà des structures d’action citoyenne qu’on a pu mettre en place. Mais il est difficile de trouver les financements suffisants pour sensibiliser au-delà des grandes agglomérations. La région d’Agadez est la plus vaste du Niger, et la moins peuplée : les déplacements sont compliqués dans le désert, et les missions de sensibilisation dans les villages coûtent très cher. Or, il est essentiel de sensibiliser partout. 

Pour lutter contre la pauvreté, nous faisons des AGRs, des microcrédits, mais ce n’est pas suffisant, nous pensons qu’il faut aller plus loin et mettre en place des petites et moyennes entreprises, ou des petites unités que les femmes pourraient gérer pour sortir de la pauvreté et s’émanciper.

Dès l’époque de la rébellion, nos sœurs nous ont soutenues. Pendant la seconde rébellion en 2007, nous avons reçu ici à Agadez une délégation de trois femmes venues d’autres régions du Niger. Avec elles, on a rencontré les autorités, on a même osé appeler les rebelles, fait ce premier travail de plaidoyer ici à Agadez. Nous avons organisé ensemble un forum à Niamey, qui a vu la participation de femmes de la sous-région (Sénégal, Mali, Côte d’Ivoire, Tchad…). Nous avons ensemble rencontré la Première Dame, le Président de l’Assemblée auprès de qui nous avons pu faire notre plaidoyer pour la paix.

De retour chez elles, ces femmes nous ont aidées à mobiliser d’autres sœurs de la sous-région, qui sont venues participer au Forum pour la Paix et le Développement organisé après les conflits, avec la participation de presque toutes les régions du Niger. Le thème était : quelle approche pour les femmes après la flamme de la paix qui est censée mettre fin au conflit armé ?  Nous avons donc travaillé au niveau sous-régional pour consolider cette culture de la paix, qui a permis de renforcer la cohésion sociale et le civisme, et de faire respecter les décisions locales.

Ici à Agadez on est passées en force, et notre objectif c’était quoi ? D’amener toutes les femmes nigériennes à parler le même langage. Qu’elles disent non aux armes, et que nous, on ne veut plus d’orphelins. Bandits, rebelles, militaires, ce sont nos enfants, et ils ne doivent plus s’entretuer.

Anouk Heili Moderator

Chère Zara, merci énormément pour votre très riche contribution et cette présentation de l'expérience des femmes nigériennes et la construction d'un esprit de solidarité, de tolérance et d'une culture de paix au Niger. Pourriez-vous nous en dire plus sur votre engagement avec les autorités nigériennes et les rebelles sur ce sujet? Comment cet engagement a-t-il été possible? Cela a-t-il été permis entre autre par la solidarité apportée par les femmes d'autres régions du Niger et de la sous-région? Quelle a été  également la réaction des autorités et ont-elles soutenu les actions de l'Association des Femmes Nigériennes contre la Guerre suite à votre rencontre? 

Dans l'attente de vous lire,

Zara Elh Mamadou


Chère Anouk, je vais tenter de répondre brièvement à vos questions : 

Notre engagement s’est traduit par 3 points :

  • Eviter coûte que coûte que les revendications des rebelles deviennent source de conflits inter communautaires, ce qui peut se traduire par une guerre civile inutile ;
  • Faire en sorte que l’Etat, dans le bras de fer avec les rebelles, accepte de rencontrer des rebelles, toujours considérés comme des bandits, même s’il n’y a pas de promesses d’accord ou d’intégration ;
  • Que les rebelles acceptent d’arrêter de s’entre-tuer entre frères nigériens, malgré l’absence d’accords ou de mesures d’intégration

Les femmes des autres régions ou autres communautés au Niger qui nous ont soutenues ont joué un rôle important : elles ont permis d’organiser un forum de grande ampleur au niveau national, et d’atteindre une participation large dans toutes les régions du Niger, au sein duquel nous avons, nous à Agadez, pu faire entendre notre appel à la paix. Elles ont permis de porter plus loin ce message pour la paix, de mobiliser des sœurs d’autres pays de la sous-région et de montrer qu’il existait une solidarité transfrontalière à ce sujet. Par exemple, lors de la rencontre avec la Première dame du Niger, notre camarade sénégalaise a pris la parole longuement, ce qui a montré l’unité qui existait autour de la question de la paix même au-delà des frontières du Niger. C’est grâce à ce soutien que nous avons pu faire entendre la voix des femmes d’Agadez, en montrant que nous étions livrées à nous-mêmes et que nous avions besoin de solutions.

Ensuite, nous avons continué les échanges avec nos sœurs de la sous-région : par exemple, lors des élections au Mali, j’ai participé à une réunion à Dakar pour partager l’expérience des femmes d’Agadez et inspirer nos sœurs maliennes pour qu’elles s’engagent pour les élections dans leur pays.

Les autorités nous ont toujours soutenues, elles font appel régulièrement à notre association pour partager notre expérience, écouter notre point de vue. Je pense pouvoir dire que nous sommes considérées comme une association partenaire. Bien sûr, au début, il a été difficile de convaincre les autorités de nous écouter : lors de notre première rencontre, nous n’étions que 3, et le gouverneur était un peu réticent à nous écouter. Mais nous avons un peu renforcé le groupe, et inclus des représentantes de différentes communautés du Niger (qui sont toutes présentes à Agadez), pas seulement des Touaregs. Et les autorités nous ont écoutées beaucoup plus attentivement une fois que le groupe était plus représentatif de l’ensemble des communautés présentes au Niger. C’est une stratégie que nous avons mise en place pour que les autorités nous entendent, et ça a fonctionné.

Bien à vous, 


Zara Elh Mamadou


Anouk Heili Moderator

[~93335] merci énormément pour votre contribution! Votre mention du soutien régional apporté par les groupes de femmes, mais aussi du besoin de représentativité du mouvement pour être entendu par les autorités sont des points extrêmement importants pour cette discussion. 



د. رغداء زيدان

هذا جزء من بحث نشرته حول جهود المراة السورية في صناعة السلام، سأضع رابط البحث كاملاً في تعليق منفصل


جهود المرأة في صناعة السلام في سورية:

بدأت المرأة تدعم منذ بداية الثورة السورية ، وتركزت تلك الجهود في صناعة السلام على محورين: محور تعزيز السلم الأهلي وتعزيز مشاركة المرأة ؛ ومحور إنهاء الحرب وإحلال السلام بسورية.

ومن خلال المشاركات التي قدمت للمرأة السورية مساهمتها في المحورين السابقين كما يلي ( [16] ):

1 ـ محور تعزيز السلم الأهلي ([17]).

مع بداية حالات النزوح في سورية ، قدمت المرأة الخاصة بها خاصة بمساعدة النساء النازحات في مختلف المناطق التي شهدت ذلك ، وتميزت هذه المبادرات بعفويتها وتلقائيتها ، فلم تكن منظمة ومنظمة أو مبرمجة ، بل كانت ذاتية ذاتية ، عبّرت فيها المرأة عن دعمها وإحساسها بمسؤوليتها المجتمعية تجاه بنات وطنها. والأمثلة على هذه المبادرات كثيرة ( [18])) ، وجرت بعيدًا عن الإعلام والتوثيق ، وتم تناقلها عبر الأحاديث العادية للسوريين في وسائل التواصل ، لذلك من الصعب إحصاؤها ، لكنها تركز على تقديم الدعم المادي والمعنوي للحفاظواء العائلي ، فضلًا عن تقديم الخدمات المتنوعة ، هي المنظمة النازحات وأطفالهن في المجتمع الجديد بتلقائية وعفوية وكرم وإحساس بالمسؤولية ميّز كثيرًا من السوريات. غير أن هذه المبادرات توسعت ، وصارت أكثر تنظيمًا مع تفاقم حالات النزوح ، وقيام منظمات وفرق نسائية مختصة ، صبت جل مساعدة لمساعدة النساء النازحات ، والعمل على تعزيز السلم الأهلي في مجتمعات النزوح وتعزيز مشاركة المرأة في المجتمع.

وفي هذه الورقة ، سأعرض ثلاثة نماذج من هذه المنظمات ، أولاها منظمة ناشطة في إدلب بسورية ، والثانية منظمة تنشط بين السوريات في المناطق الجنوبية في تركيا كالريحانية وأنطاكيا وكركخان وأورفا ، وأيضًا تنشط داخل سورية ، والثالثة تنشط في مدينة الباب شمال سورية وفي المناطق المحررة بإدلب وريفها . تميزت هذه المنظمات عن غيرها بأنها توجهت للمرأة السورية المقيمة والنازحة في تلك المناطق ، بطريقة تناسبها ، ولا تتعارض مع هويتها ، وتراعي عاداتها وما نشأت عليها ، وهي لها ما تحتاج إليه بوعي ومسؤولية ومعرفة ، وهو ما يجعلها تكسب ثقة النساء هناك ، وتحقق نتائج مهمة ولافتة في تتطلب:

أ ـ منظمة بارقة أمل ( [19] ): وهي منظمة نسائية تنشط في مدينة إدلب السورية ، بدأت بهمة نساء متطوعات من المدينة في عام 2015 ، لتقديم خدماتها التوعوية هناك ، وزاد نشاطها وتوسع ، مع بدء قدوم مجموعات مهجرة قسريًا من مناطق عديدة في سورية باتجاه المحافظة ، بمساعدة مساعدة النازحات على التأقلم مع الواقع الجديد ، وتعزيز عوامل الاستقرار والسلم الأهلي في المنطقة ( [20] ). وتقوم المنظمة بمجموعة نشاطات لتحقيق أهدافها منها:

  • عقد جلسات حوارية بواسطة الدمج المجتمعي بعد حملات التهجير القسري إلى إدلب ، مع الحرص على تواجد نسبة من المهجرات لكل تدريب أو ورشة عمل تتم في منظمة بارقة أمل النسائية.
  • يتيح للمنظمة مؤتمرين ، في كل واحد منها 140 امرأة ، وكان هدف المؤتمرين التعريف بمناطق النساء النازحات الأصلية ، وتستضيف نساء نازحات من تلك المناطق لعرض بعض العادات والتقاليد والأهازيج الخاصة بهن ، ضمن مقطع حواري تقوم به النساء ، إضافة إلى إحضار أصناف من الأطعمة التي تعد تراثًا مميزًا لمنطقة المرأة النازحة ، وتمثيل حديث عن طريقة تحضيرها. كل هذه هي تكوين فكرة ومعلومات لدى الحاضرات تخص كل المكونات الجديدة للمجتمع في محافظة إدلب.
  • يتيح للمنظمة جلسات حوارية مع النساء القاطنات في مراكز الإيواء ، كما يقدم الدعم النفسي ، كما تم مشاركة العديد من المعتقلات الناجيات ، ضمن الأنشطة التي تقوم بها المنظمة من تدريبات أو مشاركة في الأعمال اليومية لمركز المنظمة.
  • قدم المنظمة نشاطات خاصة بالأطفال وحفلات أيام الأعياد ، تم فيها استقطاب عدد من أبناء الشهداء والمعتقلين إضافة إلى أطفال من مراكز الإيواء ، ليكون الجميع ضمن جو تفاعلي واحد.
  • تقدم المنظمة في جانب آخر محاضرات ودورات تدريبية تثقيفية ، تزيد دور المرأة ومشاركتها السياسية ، كما أنها إيصالها إلى دوائر المفاوضات والمنابر الدولية الخاصة بالعملية السياسية في سورية.

بالتحقق العامل في المنظمة لمجموعة من الصعوبات في عملهن ، فقد واجهن بداية تخوفًا لدى المهجرات ، كون المجتمع جديدًا عليه ، ولا توجد فكرة مسبقة عند أغلبهن حول التركيبة المجتمعية في محافظة إدلب ، إضافة إلى تخوفات أخرى ( [21] ) ، ولكن بعد استقطاب عدد منهن ومشاركتهن في نشاطات المنظمة ، زال هذا الخوف ، واستطاعت اعتراف العاملات في المنظمة كسب المودة والقبول عند النساء المهجرات ، وبعد الجلوس والحوار حول واقع بات مفروضًا على كل شخص قدمت وصياغة دستور لبلد يضم الجميع.

ب ـ منظمة معًا لنصنع القرار ([22]): وهي منظمة نسائية مستقلة، تهتم بشؤون المرأة والأسرة من الناحية الاجتماعية والثقافية والصحية والاقتصادية. بدأت نشاطاتها في تركيا، في أيار/ مايو 2016، واختصت بمجموعة من النشاطات التي ركزت على تحقيق السلام وإيقاف الحرب بسورية، ومنها:

  • التوعية السياسية في إطار الانتقال والخروج بالمجتمع السوري من حالة الصراع العسكري إلى التنافس السياسي، والبحث عن مخارج سياسية للوضع الراهن وفق الأطر الدولية والإقليمية المتاحة.
  • التوعية بالمصطلحات والمفاهيم المتعلقة بالدولة والحكم والانتخابات والسلطة، كي يصبح أفراد المجتمع أكثر انخراطًا في الشأن العام بوعي وبصيرة، وكي تتعزز فرص الحلول المدنية والحد من الركون للقوة والسلاح والعنف.
  • ورشات وتدريبات عن آليات المناصرة المجتمعية وحتى الدولية لجملة من القضايا.
  • آليات تحليل الصراعات والنزاعات والعمل على فهم الأسباب والدوافع والاحتياجات لمعرفة كيفية حل النزاعات بشكل دائم ومنع تجددها.
  • ورشات عن بناء رأس المال الاجتماعي وأهميته في تعافي المجتمعات ورأب الصدع وأهمية التشبيك في المشاريع للوصول إلى مصالح مشتركة مجتمعيًا.
  • ورشات عن نظريات التغيير وآلياته وأهميتها.
  • وأخيرًا تسعى المنظمة لنقل المواضيع المتعلقة بالشأن الدستوري، لتكوين نقاشات مجتمعية موسعة بهدف تقديم تغذية راجعة من المجتمع لكل الأطراف المعنية بالعملية الدستورية، سعيًا لتضمين آراء المجتمع في الدستور القادم ليكون أكثر قبولًا، وجعل العملية الدستورية ذات معنى وهدف وقابلة للتحقيق والتطبيق، فالدستور، وهو أحد مداخل الحل السياسي،  كلما استطاع أن يعكس آمال وتطلعات الناس، كان سببًا في عدم تجدد النزاع وإحساس الناس بالتغيير وأن تضحياتهم لم تذهب سدى، والعكس صحيح، فكلما كان المسار السياسي عمومًا والدستور خصوصًا منفصلًا عن المجتمع ومتطلباته وآماله، كان سببًا لتجديد النزاع وانقسام المجتمع.

استطاعت المنظمة والعاملات بها كسب ثقة المحيط، وحققن نتائج وسمعة طيبة بين النساء السوريات، وشاركن في نشاطات محلية واسعة داخل سورية، وكذلك شاركت بعضهن في نشاطات دولية وإقليمية لإيصال صوت السوريات ومعاناتهن ومطالبهن للمنابر الدولية، كما شاركن في النقاشات المطروحة حول الحل السياسي بسورية بجدارة لافتة.

ج ـ تجمع المرأة السورية ([23]): هو منظمة تهتم بتطوير وتمكين النساء في الداخل السوري، من خلال أنشطة تدريبية وبرامج توعوية. بدأت نشاطها في أيار/ مايو 2017 في مناطق شمال سورية، خاصة في الباب وإعزاز، وفي مناطق إدلب وريفها، وتقدم مجموعة من النشاطات التي تهدف إلى تعزيز السلم الأهلي وتحقيق السلام بسورية، منها:

  • تشجيع المرأة على المشاركة في المجالس المحلية والعمل المؤسساتي وصنع القرار، والتوعية بأهمية دورها في السلم المجتمعي وصنع السلام.
  • دورات حول مجموعة من المواضيع السياسية التي تخص مستقبل سورية، مثل: التفاوض، الحشد والمناصرة، العملية السياسية في جنيف، السلال الأربعة للحل السياسي، المرحلة الانتقالية، الدستور، الانتخابات، الإصلاح الأمني، الحوكمة، والأنظمة الداخلية.
  • دورات حول حقوق المرأة في القوانين الوضعية.
  • جولات وحوارات لتشجيع دور المرأة السياسي والمجتمعي.
  • دورات في الإعلام.
  • ندوات ومحاضرات توعية سياسية بمواضيع مختلفة.
  • دعم نفسي ونشاطات للأطفال المهجرين.
  • دورات مهنية وتمكين معرفي للنساء في المنطقة.

الجامع الذي يجمع هذه المنظمات النسائية الثلاث أنها خرجت من المجتمع السوري المحافظ وتوجهت له، واستطاعت الوصول إلى فئات نسائية عديدة وكسبت ثقتهن، كونها تتكلم بثقافة المجتمع ولا تعادي عاداته، وبالوقت نفسه تعبّر عن تطلعاته وأمانيه بحياة حرة كريمة مستقرة، تحفظ كيان المجتمع وهويته وثقافته. وعلى الرغم من الصعوبات التمويلية لنشاطات هذه المنظمات، ظلّت مستمرة بجهود العاملات التطوعية فيها، وإيمانهن بمسؤوليتهن تجاه المجتمع.

اكتسبت العاملات والمشاركِات في هذه النشاطات خبرات عملية وثقافية لا يُستهان بها، وهناك عمل دائم دؤوب لتطوير الأدوات ومسح الاحتياجات، واستشراف المستقبل، وهو ما يبشر بدور فاعل حقيقي للمرأة السورية في مستقبل البلاد.

2 ـ محور إنهاء الحرب وإحلال السلام بسورية

مع تضاعف سوء وضع النساء السوريات في ظل الحرب، وتعرضهن المضاعف للعنف، وزيادة تهميشهن؛ كان لا بد للمرأة السورية من أن تبذل جهدها في سبيل تقديم الحماية لها ولأسرتها ومحيطها، والعمل على إنهاء الحرب التي أنهكت البلاد والعباد، وهو ما يعني بذل جهود إضافية على نطاق محلي من جهة ودولي من جهة أخرى، لذلك برزت تساؤلات بين السوريات الفاعلات: كيف يمكن إشراك المرأة السورية في عمليات بناء السلام؟ وكيف يمكن تمثيلهن وإشراكهن في عملية الحل السياسي وإيقاف الحرب؟ وكذلك كيف يمكن إشراكهن في عمليات صناعة القرار على كل المستويات، من أجل بناء سلام مستدام، ومنع تكرار الحرب؟ وللإجابة عن تلك الأسئلة كان اللجوء إلى القانون الدولي والقرارات الأممية الخاصة، وعلى رأسها القرار 1325 حول المرأة والسلام والأمن، الذي تم اعتماده في 31 تشرين الأول/ أكتوبر 2000، وما تبعه من قرارات داعمة لمشاركة المرأة السياسية كالقرار 1889 والقرار 1960 والقرار 2106 والقرار 2122 والقرار 2242([24]).

فالقرار 1325 ملزم للأمم المتحدة ولجميع الدول الأعضاء فيها، وأهم النقاط التي يشملها:

  • مشاركة المرأة على مستويات صنع القرار كافة. ويشمل ذلك مشاركتهن في المؤسسات الوطنية والإقليمية والدولية، وآليات منع النزاع، ومفاوضات السلام، وعمليات حفظ السلام (كشرطيات وجنديات وعاملات مدنيات)، وكذلك كممثلات للأمين العام للأمم المتحدة.
  • حماية النساء والفتيات من العنف الجنسي والعنف القائم على النوع الاجتماعي. ويشمل تدريب العاملين في عمليات حفظ السلام في مجال حقوق المرأة، واتخاذ إجراءات فعالة لحمايتهن.
  • العمل على منع العنف ضد المرأة، من خلال تعزيز حقوق المرأة وأعمال المساءلة وتطبيق القوانين. وأحد أهم النقاط التي يشملها هذا البند محاكمةُ المسؤولين عن جرائم الحرب مثل العنف الجنسي، واستثناء جرائم العنف الجنسي دائمًا من اتفاقيات العفو العام. كما يشدد على مسؤولية تعزيز حقوق المرأة في إطار القانون العام للدولة.
  • تعميم منظور النوع الاجتماعي في عمليات حفظ السلام، ويشمل تعيين مستشارين لشؤون النوع الاجتماعي في جميع عمليات حفظ السلام التابعة للأمم المتحدة، وأخذ الاحتياجات الخاصة بالمرأة في الاعتبار دائمًا عند رسم السياسات، وكذلك السماح بنفاذ المعلومات المتاحة من جانب منظمات المرأة إلى جميع السياسات والبرامج ([25]).

وقد بدأت المنظمات الدولية والعالمية بإلقاء الضوء على القرار وضرورة إشراك النساء السوريات بالعملية السياسية منذ نهاية عام 2012 ([26])، وتتالت الدعوات لتفعيله والحديث حوله، وعُقدت المؤتمرات والدورات التدريبية لتضمين النساء في العمل السياسي السوري، ونتيجة لتلك الجهود؛ تم إشراك المرأة السورية في بعض الكتل السياسية المعارضة بعد الثورة، غير أن ذاك التمثيل كان ضعيفًا وصوريًا في معظم الأحيان ([27]). وفي وقت لاحق، زادت الجهود الرامية لتمثيل أكبر وأوسع للنساء في العملية السياسية، لفتح المجال أكثر أمامهن لبناء السلام في سورية المستقبل، فظهرت مبادرات عدة، سأعرض لثلاث منها كانت لها أهمية خاصة، كونها اختصت بالعمل السياسي النسائي السوري مدعومًا بجهود دولية، وهي:

أ ـ اللجنة الاستشارية النسائية: التي شكلتها الهيئة العليا للمفاوضات المشارِكة في مفاوضات الحل السياسي في جنيف، في أول شباط/ فبراير 2016، وكانت مكونة من 40 امرأة، بهدف تحقيق مشاركة المرأة السورية بفاعلية، ضمن إطار عمل الهيئة العليا للمفاوضات، وفريق التفاوض التابع لها، والتي من شأنها رفع مستوى الهيئة من حيث التمثيل والخبرات ([28])، إلا أن المعلن شيء، والواقع شيء آخر، فلم يُسمح للمرأة بالمشاركة الحقيقية، وقد قدمت اللجنة بعض المقترحات للهيئة العليا للتفاوض، إلا أنها لم تجد استجابة ولا اهتمامًا، وتخلل مسيرة هذه اللجنة عقبات لم تسمح لها بالعمل بشكل صحيح، وقد أُخذ عليها أنها كانت لجنة شكلية، وُجدت بسبب الضغوط الدولية وليس لإيمان حقيقي من هيئة التفاوض بالحاجة إليها ولا بإمكاناتها، كما تخلل عملية تشكيلها خلل واضح، وتدخلت المحسوبيات والمحاصصات والشللية، مما جعلها غير فاعلة كما يجب، فواجهت صعوبات عديدة وانسحابات وفشل، حتى اختفت نهائيًاقبل أن تستطيع القيام بأي عمل ذي أثر واضح في العملية السياسية ([29]).

ب ـ المجلس الاستشاري النسائي: أعلن المبعوث الأممي الخاص لسورية ستيفان ديمستورا تشكيل المجلس الاستشاري النسائي في شباط/ فبراير 2016، ومهمته الأساسية تقديم مقترحات واستشارات للمبعوث الأممي حول الوضع في سورية، والرؤى المستقبلية القانونية والاجتماعية والدستورية لسورية. وضم المجلس في بداية تشكيله 12 سيدة، من توجهات سياسية مختلفة، استجابة لمطالبات نسائية من أجل أن يكون لهن دور فاعل في العملية السياسية ([30])، ثم توسع المجلس فيما بعد ليضم 17 سيدة سورية، بهدف زيادة التمثيل النسائي وعدالته.

وعلى الرغم من الانتقادات التي وُجهت للمجلس الاستشاري، منذ بداية تشكيله حتى الآن ([31])، فإنه ما زال مستمرًا في عمله، ويعقد جلسات دورية لمناقشة مواضيع متنوعة تخص الواقع السوري ومستقبل العملية السياسية وعملية صنع السلام في سورية ([32]). وقد أنجز المجلس كثيرًا من المهام، وقدم تقارير دورية حول نتائج الاجتماعات واللقاءات والمحادثات المتعلقة بالمفاوضات وبالسلال الأربعة للعملية السياسية في سورية ([33])، عدا عن نشاطه الخاص في عملية “جندرة أوراق العملية السياسية”. 

ج ـ الحركة السياسية النسوية السورية: أُعلن عنها في الرابع من تشرين الأول/ أكتوبر 2017، من خلال مؤتمر تأسيسي عُقد في باريس، بهدف إيجاد صوت فاعل للنساء السوريات ووضع رؤيتهن المستقبلية لسورية والسعي لتحقيقها، عبر المشاركة الحقيقية في المفاوضات السورية دون الاكتفاء بالدور الاستشاري ([34]). وبالفعل استطاعت الحركة المشاركة بمؤتمر الرياض2، في 22 تشرين الثاني/ نوفمبر 2017، وشاركت سبع سيدات من أعضاء الحركة فيه كمستقلات ([35]). وعلى الرغم من أن الحركة فتحت باب المشاركة للرجال أيضًا، فإنها تركز في نشاطاتها حول تمكين المرأة من المشاركة السياسية الفاعلة، وتقدم رؤى حول قضايا دستورية وسياسية سورية، تضمن مشاركة نسائية فاعلة في عملية صنع القرار وفي الحياة السياسية السورية الآنية والمستقبلية ([36]). إلا أن مخرجات عمل هذه الحركة خلال السنتين السابقتين لم تلفت الأنظار، ولم تثمر تغيرًا ملموسًا وحقيقيًا في المشاركة النسائية في الواقع السياسي السوري.

يُؤخذ على هذه المبادرات النسائية وأمثالها أنها لم تنشأ بجهود سورية ذاتية، على أهميتها، بل كانت تلبية لضغوط دولية وأممية، اكتفت بوجود شكلي للمرأة السورية في الغالب، وعلى الرغم من أن المرأة السورية تبذل جهودًا مضاعفة وما زالت تحاول الوصول إلى تمثيل حقيقي وفاعل لها في الكيانات السياسية وطاولات المفاوضات ومراكز صنع القرار، سواء في أجسام المعارضة السياسية أم في تلك التي تمثل النظام، فإنها لم تصل إلى هدفها المراد حتى الآن، وما زال أمامها كثير من العوائق التي عليها تذليلها، خاصة ما يتعلق بمفردات ومضمون مبادراتها ورؤيتها للسلام ولمستقبل سورية السياسي والقانوني والدستوري، كونها مؤطرة بنطاق أممي وقرارات دولية يجب التوقف أمامها، كونها لم تحقق تطلعات السوريين([37]) ، كما يجب التوقف عند طريقة تفعيل تلك القرارات ، وغيرها من القرارات التي تخص مشاركة المرأة السياسية ، فالأمم المتحدة -وهي أهم طرف في تطبيق القرارات الدولية- حوّلت دور النساء السوريات من فاعلات حقيقيات ، إلى مشاركات نخبويات غير فاعلات في شؤون السياسة ( [38 ] ) ، وفرغت المبادرات النسائية من مضمونها ، وحول دور السوريات من حاملات قضايا رئيسية ومهمة وشاملة ، إلى حمامات سلام ، مهما كان هذا السلام هشًا وغير واقعي ( [39] ). عدا عن الرؤى الفكرية المتضمنة في تلك القرارات ، والتي لا تراعي خصوصيات المجتمعات ولا ثقافتها مما يجعلها بعيدة عن التطبيق الواقعي الممكن والمقبول مجتمعيًا ، التي لا تعطي النتائج المرجوة منها.    

Anouk Heili Moderator

Dear Raghdaa,

Thank you so much for sharing the Syria experience and examples of how Syrian women have been striving for peace both at the community and track I levels. Did the engagement from Syrian women lead to concrete results at the community level? You mention organizations working in particular on encouraging women's participation in local councils, institutional work and decision-making, was this awareness raising work followed by any commitment from authorities to include women?

Looking forward to hearing from you!


د. رغداء زيدان

[~92408] حتى الآن ما زال يوجد أمام المرأة السورية الكثير من العمل لتستطيع الوصول لمراكز القرار، ولكن هذه الجهود المبذولة ستتراكم كماً ونوعاً وستثمر، وهو ما سيتيح للمرأة المشاركة الحقيقة في اتخاذ القرارات الخاصة برسم مستقبل البلاد.

سنوات الحرب، ورغم مآسيها الكثيرة، إلا أنها أتاحت للمرأة السورية أن تقف على حقيقة دورها في المجتمع، وعلى مسؤوليتها تجاهه، وفي المناطق الخارجة عن سيطرة حكومة نظام الأسد كان هناك فرصة لنشوء مجتمع مدني حقيقي يطور خبراته وآلياته، ويفتح المجال أمام المرأة للمشاركة والعمل.

أنا متفائلة رغم كل الصعوبات، فالوعي يزداد بين النساء السوريات حول أهمية دورهن، وكذلك يزداد الوعي عند فئات المجتمع السوري حول أهمية إشارك المرأة في اتخاذ القرار. لكنالطريق مازال طويلا

Ayad Babaa

هنا بعض التعليقات من

عادل رمضان منصور منظمة جيل ونماء الشبابية





ما هي الأمثلة الجيدة على مشاركة المرأة في جهود بناء السلام المحلية؟ ما الذي يميز هذه الأمثلة؟ لماذا عملوا؟ ما الذي ساعدهم على العمل؟ ما الذي لم ينجح؟

توجد نشاطات يشتغلن علي المراة واقناعها بالسلام المحلي في المدن والقري الريفية في ليبيا التي تجد صعوبة في تقبل المجتمع لدور المراة والدي يميزه هو الوصول الي الشراءح التي يصعب الوصول اليها عن طريق الرجال او المؤسسات الغير معروفة للمناطق نهايك هن دور المراة في السلام الاجتماعي في العاصمة والمدن الكبيرة الليبية عملو لايمانهم بالقضية سساعدهم في العمل مثلا مؤسساتنا التي عملت تدريبات وملتقيات خاصة بالمراة وانطلاقها في المجتمع لبناء السلام المحلي والاجتماعي الدي ينجح التدريب وصناعة المشاريع الخاصة بيهن في مجتماعاتهم



كيف تمكنت النساء من الانخراط في صنع القرار السياسي المحلي بعد الصراع؟ ما تأثير ذلك على حياة الآخرين؟

تكمكن من خلال ايمانها بدورها ودعمها من المؤسسات المجتمع المدني تاثير ايجابي بحيث المراة لو اقتنعت يكون تاثيرها ونشاطها اكبر من الرجل في المجتمع الليبي


كيف تمنع العودة إلى الأعراف التقليدية بعد انتهاء النزاعات؟

طبيعة المرحلة والصراع والمخاض الدي حصل وتؤثر النساء بشكل مباشر من الصراع يوهلها الي القيام بدورها


ما هو الدور الذي لعبه خلق ثقافة السلام؟

الدور فتح مجالات اكثر للمراة للعمل


ما هي الأمثلة على البدائل الخيالية التي تساعد على خلق ثقافة السلام؟ ما الذي ساعدهم على العمل؟ ما الذي لم ينجح؟

البرامج التلفزيونية والشغل الاعلامي علي نشر الوعي الدي نجح الجندرة


هل كان هناك أي دعم خارجي حيوي لضمان مشاركة المرأة؟ إذا كان الأمر كذلك ، فماذا يمكننا أن نتعلم من التوقيت والمدة وكيف تم تقديم هذا الدعم؟ ما الدعم الذي قد يكون ساعد ولكن لم يكن قادمًا؟ ما هو الدعم الذي جاء بنتائج عكسية ولماذا؟

يمكن يكون في دعم عن طريق الامم المتحدة والمؤسسات الاجنبية الاخري المهتمة


كيف يمكننا ضمان إدراج احتياجات وآراء أكثر الفئات المهمشة؟ ما هي الأمثلة الجيدة على إدراج النساء ذوات الإعاقة؟ مجتمعات المثليين؟

عن طريق الوصول اليهن في اماكن توجودهن وحثتهن ودعمهن ع المشاركة

Ayad Babaa

هنا بعض التعليقات من

الرونق للمرأة والطفل







ما هي الأمثلة الجيدة على مشاركة المرأة في جهود بناء السلام المحلية؟ ما الذي يميز هذه الأمثلة؟ لماذا عملوا؟ ما الذي ساعدهم على العمل؟ ما الذي لم ينجح؟

مساعدتها للأسر المحتاجة وتقديم الدعم المعنوي والمادي لمستحقيه. تواصل الاسر المباشر.. ندوات ومحاضرات قيمة لجميع شرائح المجتمع.. ساعدهم ثقة الرجل في دور المرأة وتشجيعها علي العمل..


كيف تمكنت النساء من الانخراط في صنع القرار السياسي المحلي بعد الصراع؟ ما تأثير ذلك على حياة الآخرين؟

بسبب ثقافتها واستيعاب ومعرفة دورها فالوقت المناسب... تٱثير جيد جداً.. لان طبيعة المرأة الحنان والطيبة و ترك البصمات الجيدة في جميع اعمالها..


كيف تمنع العودة إلى الأعراف التقليدية بعد انتهاء النزاعات؟

بالأقناع والتٱثير المباشر..


ما هو الدور الذي لعبه خلق ثقافة السلام؟

الترابط والتفاهم والمحبة بين الناس..


ما هي الأمثلة على البدائل الخيالية التي تساعد على خلق ثقافة السلام؟ ما الذي ساعدهم على العمل؟ ما الذي لم ينجح؟

مشاركة المرأة في صنع القرار..


هل كان هناك أي دعم خارجي حيوي لضمان مشاركة المرأة؟ إذا كان الأمر كذلك ، فماذا يمكننا أن نتعلم من التوقيت والمدة وكيف تم تقديم هذا الدعم؟ ما الدعم الذي قد يكون ساعد ولكن لم يكن قادمًا؟ ما هو الدعم الذي جاء بنتائج عكسية ولماذا؟

نعم كان هناك دعم جيد ومناسب جداً..


كيف يمكننا ضمان إدراج احتياجات وآراء أكثر الفئات المهمشة؟ ما هي الأمثلة الجيدة على إدراج النساء ذوات الإعاقة؟ مجتمعات المثليين؟

عن طريق الاستبيانات المباشرة واخذ جميع الاراء بعين الأعتبار..


Ayad Babaa


هنا بعض التعليقات من

منتدى نساء ليبيا






ما هي الأمثلة الجيدة على مشاركة المرأة في جهود بناء السلام المحلية؟ ما الذي يميز هذه الأمثلة؟ لماذا عملوا؟ ما الذي ساعدهم على العمل؟ ما الذي لم ينجح؟

ان من اهم الامثلة لمشاركة النساء فى جهود بناء السلام اقامة العديد من الجلسات الحوارية والبرامج الاذاعية سواء كانت مرئية او مسموعة او حتى الحواريات المجتمعية الغير رسمية وهى الاكثر تأثيرا والأكثر مشاركة لتميزها بالبساطة والعفوية والبعد عن التزييف والتصنع حيث تشترك معظم النساء فى الرغبة فى السلام ورؤية ابنائهن فى مدرجات الجامعات والبعثات الدراسية وتولى مناصب قيادية هامة بدل رؤية ابنائهن فى ثوابيت او مبثورى الأطراف او ينازعون الموت ناهيك عن الشعور بالقلق المستمر والرعب الدائم وقد ساعدهن على ذلك ان الرابح الاكبر الناتج عن بناء السلام هو الوطن والاطفال والنساء وبالتالى بناء السلام مهم جدا لهن رغم ان الواقع لا يخلو من من بعض النساء اللواتى تجرهن مصلحتهن الخاصة ومصالح عائلاتهن الى الرغبة فى تسلط طرف على آخر وبقاء الوضع على ماهو عليه وهن القلة المستفيدة من الوضع اما استفادة مالية او حماية لأبنائهن وإخوتهن او ازواجهن أو أبائهن المنخرطين فى عمليات تقويض السلم والإجرام وتكوين المليشيات وتحقيق الكسب السريع ماديا او نفوذا والذى لم ينجح هو سحب الشباب من الجبهات ونزع اسلحتهم وذلك لأن معظم هؤلاء الشباب قد تورطوا فى الدم مما يفرض عليهم البقاء مسلحين والاستعداد للمزيد من إزهاق الأرواح إذا كانت هذه الأرواح تشكل تهديدا وجوديا او نفوذيا او ماليا عليهم


كيف تمكنت النساء من الانخراط في صنع القرار السياسي المحلي بعد الصراع؟ ما تأثير ذلك على حياة الآخرين؟

ان انخراط النساء فى صنع القرار السياسى جاء اولا نتيجة قوانين الانتخابات التى عملت على حجز مقاعد للنساء وإن كانت محدودة الا انها كانت كفيلة بمنح النساء فرصة المشاركة اما ماعدا ذلك فمعظم المشاركات النسائية جاءت نتاج العلاقات الشخصية الرامية الى تحقيق المزيد من الفساد الادارى والمالى والذى كانت نتائجه سيئة جدا كما النساء اللاتى حققن وصولا عن طريق الانتخابات هن أيضا لم تتمكن من تحقيق النجاحات بسبب محاربة ومحاصرة الفاسدين لهن


كيف تمنع العودة إلى الأعراف التقليدية بعد انتهاء النزاعات؟

بدستور يفصل الدين عن الدولة يحمى المكتسبات الجديدة يضمن تحقيق المزيد من المكتسبات اولا ثانيا سيادة القانون وحماية استقلالية القضاء


ما هو الدور الذي لعبه خلق ثقافة السلام؟

ان ثقافة السلام ليست بالجديدة فى ليبيا غير ان الحروب المتوالية وما تسببت به من ازهاق للارواح وسفكا للدماء وفقان الأحبة ماولد الرغبة فى الانتقام والأخذ بالثأر والتعذيب والإخفاء القسرى ومع مرور السنوات بدأت الرغبة فى العودة الى بناء الثقة وتحقيق السلام تعود لدى الأغلبية الى الواجهة واخذت الاصوات المطالبة بالسلام تتعالى مما يمكنه ان يزرع الامل فى النفوس فى العودة الى استعادة ثقافة السلام واهمية دورها فى تحقيق التقدم العلمى والاقتصادى والمشاركة السياسية الفعالة وإحتواء الجميع


ما هي الأمثلة على البدائل الخيالية التي تساعد على خلق ثقافة السلام؟ ما الذي ساعدهم على العمل؟ ما الذي لم ينجح؟

الاغانى/ الافلام القصيرة/ البرامج الاذاعية / المشاهد الثمثيلية / الرسوم الكرتونية / المناشط الترفيهية والرياضية / المسابقات والالعاب الجماعية/ والمهرجانات /وقد ساعدهم على العمل .. المنظمات المانحة ..وبعض من رجال االاعمال و العديد من المنظمات المحلية والنشطاء اما السؤال عما لم ينجح فإن جميع ماسبق ذكره لم يحقق ا ية نسبة نجاح تستحق الذكر فى مجال تحقيق السلام سوى بعض المجهودات التى اثمرت مثل عودة اهالى تاورغاء وفتح الطريق الرئيسى بعد اغلاقها مدى سنوات وكذلك عودة اهالى المشاشية وقد ساعد فى ذلك المنظمات المانحة وصندوق الزكاة وبعض رجال الاعمال علاوة على الرغبة الصادقة من الكثيرين من العاملين فى هذا المجال غير ان ذلك كله يعد سلاما مؤقتا وليس دائما فانتشار السلاح والتحريض الإعلامى والفساد المالى والادارى سرعان ما يفسدون اية تقدمات فى مجال خلق السلام واستدامته


هل كان هناك أي دعم خارجي حيوي لضمان مشاركة المرأة؟ إذا كان الأمر كذلك ، فماذا يمكننا أن نتعلم من التوقيت والمدة وكيف تم تقديم هذا الدعم؟ ما الدعم الذي قد يكون ساعد ولكن لم يكن قادمًا؟ ما هو الدعم الذي جاء بنتائج عكسية ولماذا؟

لا لم يكن هناك دعم خارجى حيوى يضمن مشاركة المرأة فمعظم الدعم يأتى خجولا ومتأخرا وغير جاد فالنساء فى حاجة الى التدريب على اتخاذ القرار والقيادة والعمل بروح الفريق كما إنهن بحاجة الى التدرب على الثقة بالنفس اثناء العمل مع الرجال على ان يكون التدريب لمدة كافية وغير مضغوطة وغير قائم على الواسطة والمحسوبية وهو ما كان يحدث فى معظم التدريبات والترشيحات سواء للتدريب او لتولى المناصب القيادية ولذات السبب كانت تأتى النتائج عكسية بسبب تقديم الدعم لمن لايستحقه بغض النظر عن نوعية الدعم مالى او لوجستى


كيف يمكننا ضمان إدراج احتياجات وآراء أكثر الفئات المهمشة؟ ما هي الأمثلة الجيدة على إدراج النساء ذوات الإعاقة؟ مجتمعات المثليين؟

لضمان احتياجات هذه الفئات لابد من دسترتها وخاصة المثليين اللذين يعتبرون ليس من الفئات المهمشة بل من الفئات المطلوب القضاء عليها او إسكات أصواتها حتى لو وصل الأمر الى القتل عليه لابد من ان تكون نصوص الدستور واضحة وصريحة ومباشرة وغير قابلة للتأويلات المختلفة ثم وضع قوانين مستمدة من الدستور واخير الحرص على تطبيق القانون ومخالفة المخالفين وعقابهم وان كانو الجهات التنفيذية لهذه القوانين والتى متعارف عنها المماطلة فى حق الفئات المهمشة وكذلك تكوين وخلق قادة من الرجال والنساء ممن يتمتعون بالجرأة والشجاعة لمتابعة المجريات على الارض وتقديم الدعم الدولى لهم مع الحرص على استمرار تكوين قيادات جديدة لضمان الاستمرار وديمومة التقدم فى مجال حماية حقوق الفئات المهمشة وذلك باقامة تدريبات المدربين للقادة الأوائل من النساء والرجال ومتابعة ادائهم واوضاعهم الامنية لحمايتهم من التهديدات والابتزاز والتغييب القسرى والقتل


Anouk Heili Moderator

Thank you so much for sharing these examples from the Libyan Women Forum. Was there any engagement and advocacy by women on the election law that you mention above? How did the law come about and what was the involvement of women's groups? 

You also mention that the efforts to build a culture of peace (through radio programs, dialogues, songs) did not bring any powerful results. What do you think was missing to achieve long lasting results?

Looking forward to hearing from you!

Ayad Babaa


هنا بعض التعليقات من

زاهية فرج علي منظمة واي مي





ما هي الأمثلة الجيدة على مشاركة المرأة في جهود بناء السلام المحلية؟ ما الذي يميز هذه الأمثلة؟ لماذا عملوا؟ ما الذي ساعدهم على العمل؟ ما الذي لم ينجح؟

حملات السلام. أجندة المرأة والسلام . مشاركة المراة علي المستوي المحلي. التدريبات.استهداف المجتمع المحلي لنشر ثقافة السلام. الذي يميز هذا الامثلة انها قامت بني نساء ليبيات من داخل ليبيا وليس خارجها في ظل وجود العديد من التحديات. عملوا لانهم يسعون الي اثبات دورهم سياسيا وفي قضايا السلام. الذي ساعدهم هوا ان وجود المرأة مطلوب في نشر ثقافة السلام اولا ثم ان التشبيك ما بين المنظمات كان له الأثر الكبير في لملمة الجروح والعود الي مسار الحوار الذي لم ينجح هي تدخل الحرب كانت توشك المرأة الليبية ان تصل الي مبتغاها في تحقيق السلام ولكن صوت الرصاص كان اقوي من كل احلامها


كيف تمكنت النساء من الانخراط في صنع القرار السياسي المحلي بعد الصراع؟ ما تأثير ذلك على حياة الآخرين؟

عن طريق تواجدها في المجالس البلدية ووجودها كقيادية في المجتمع المدني أو رؤساء منظمات نسوية لهن دور في التشبيك والتعامل مع اغلب صانعي القرار حتي في ظل الانقسام السياسي استطاعت أن تواجه كل التحديات لأجل اثبات وجودها بجانب الرجل فهي من قادت المبادرات وهي من وزعت الإعاقات وهي من تطوعت وعملت في المناطق المتضررة لتساعد نساء مهمشات ضعيفات تاثرن بالنزاع وهن من قمن بالتوعية الحقوفية ومساعدتهن فترة النزاع لتكون في الصفوف الاولي


كيف تمنع العودة إلى الأعراف التقليدية بعد انتهاء النزاعات؟

لم افهم السؤال جيدا ولكن الأعراف التقليدية احيانا لها دور إيجابي في مساعدة النساء خاصة مع الحكماء والأعيان


ما هو الدور الذي لعبه خلق ثقافة السلام؟

تعزيز ثقافة عدم الانتقام والتشفي والمصالحة والعودة الي الحوار


ما هي الأمثلة على البدائل الخيالية التي تساعد على خلق ثقافة السلام؟ ما الذي ساعدهم على العمل؟ ما الذي لم ينجح؟

المهرجانات والدعاية الإعلامية


هل كان هناك أي دعم خارجي حيوي لضمان مشاركة المرأة؟ إذا كان الأمر كذلك ، فماذا يمكننا أن نتعلم من التوقيت والمدة وكيف تم تقديم هذا الدعم؟ ما الدعم الذي قد يكون ساعد ولكن لم يكن قادمًا؟ ما هو الدعم الذي جاء بنتائج عكسية ولماذا؟

الدعم لوجستي ومادي وقانون ونفسي واجتماعي التوقيت اثبتت الحرب ان المراة هي ضحية النزاعات وهي من تصنع السلام الدعم الذي جاء بنتائج عكسية اختيار الوجوه المتكرةة في مبادرات السلام من قبل الأمم المتحدة للأسف لم تعول علي الفئة التي تضررت


كيف يمكننا ضمان إدراج احتياجات وآراء أكثر الفئات المهمشة؟ ما هي الأمثلة الجيدة على إدراج النساء ذوات الإعاقة؟ مجتمعات المثليين؟

تقييم الاحتياجات ونحن كمنظمة لدينا دراسة علي تأثير الأمن هلي المرأة يمنكم الاستفادة منها في مدينة سرت



Ayad Babaa


هنا بعض التعليقات من

غالية ساسي /منظمة معها لحقوق الانسان







ما هي الأمثلة الجيدة على مشاركة المرأة في جهود بناء السلام المحلية؟ ما الذي يميز هذه الأمثلة؟ لماذا عملوا؟ ما الذي ساعدهم على العمل؟ ما الذي لم ينجح؟

المشاريع الصغري هى تساعد في بناء السلام ...المشاركة المجتمعية ايضا تساعد على بناء السلام الانها تساعد على الاستقرار وتةفير مصدر رزق ثابت


كيف تمكنت النساء من الانخراط في صنع القرار السياسي المحلي بعد الصراع؟ ما تأثير ذلك على حياة الآخرين؟

من خلال مشاركتها المجتمعية الانها تعمل على حل مشكلات لا تستطيع المسئولين حلها الانهم لا يعلمون حاجيات المواطن


كيف تمنع العودة إلى الأعراف التقليدية بعد انتهاء النزاعات؟

بقرارات وتشريعات في الخطة الوطنية التي يجب ان تعتمدها الدولة


ما هو الدور الذي لعبه خلق ثقافة السلام؟

الاستقرار والتفكير في التنمية المستدامة


ما هي الأمثلة على البدائل الخيالية التي تساعد على خلق ثقافة السلام؟ ما الذي ساعدهم على العمل؟ ما الذي لم ينجح؟

التعليم هو من يساعد على خلق ثقافة السلام...وايضا الاعلام .....


هل كان هناك أي دعم خارجي حيوي لضمان مشاركة المرأة؟ إذا كان الأمر كذلك ، فماذا يمكننا أن نتعلم من التوقيت والمدة وكيف تم تقديم هذا الدعم؟ ما الدعم الذي قد يكون ساعد ولكن لم يكن قادمًا؟ ما هو الدعم الذي جاء بنتائج عكسية ولماذا؟

نعم هناك دعم خارجي مثل قرار مجلس الامن رقم 2376الذي خص فيه تذكير حكومة الوفاق على اشراك المرأة في المنلصب وفي لجان المفاوضات والحوارات


كيف يمكننا ضمان إدراج احتياجات وآراء أكثر الفئات المهمشة؟ ما هي الأمثلة الجيدة على إدراج النساء ذوات الإعاقة؟ مجتمعات المثليين؟

ذوي الاعاقة المثال الامثل هو قرارات من الحكومة



هنا بعض التعليقات من

الدكتورة زهرة البشير الجمل رئيسة اتحاد نساء الزاوية


Zahra1aljamale@ gmail.com



ما هي الأمثلة الجيدة على مشاركة المرأة في جهود بناء السلام المحلية؟ ما الذي يميز هذه الأمثلة؟ لماذا عملوا؟ ما الذي ساعدهم على العمل؟ ما الذي لم ينجح؟

الجانب التوعوي لترسيخ ثقافة السلام والتسامح على المستوى المحلي الحيادية في التعامل مع قضايا النزاع تقريب وجهات النظر بين الاطراف واعطاء الفرصة للحوار والنقاش بين كل شرائح المجتمع ما يميز هذه الخطوات بالامكان الوصول الى مؤشرات ومعطيات تساهم في تحقيق السلم المجتمعي والعمل من اجل السلم على المستوى المحلي والمساعدة من جهات عامة وخاصة واخص بالذكر تقديم الدعم للعائلات النازحة من جراء الحرب الذي لم ينجح اعتقد عدم وضع خطة او سياسة محكمة مستنقاة من الواقع وعدم التواصل مع ذوي الخبرة والاختصاص وربما التقصير من الجهات المسؤولة وعدم توفر الحماية الامنية واليات التنفيد


كيف تمكنت النساء من الانخراط في صنع القرار السياسي المحلي بعد الصراع؟ ما تأثير ذلك على حياة الآخرين؟

اعتقد الانخراط في صنع القرار السياسي بعد الصراع محدود جدا واقتصر على من هم في سلم السلطة وليس لها تأثير يذكر


كيف تمنع العودة إلى الأعراف التقليدية بعد انتهاء النزاعات؟

السؤال لم يحدد الاعراف التقليدية والاجابة التوعوية وترسيخ ثقافة المواطنة البعد عن التعصب القبلي والجهوية ودعم المسار الديمقرطي لقيام دولة مدنية موحدة دولة القانون دولة الدستور


ما هو الدور الذي لعبه خلق ثقافة السلام؟

الى حد ما ليس بالنستوى المطلوب


ما هي الأمثلة على البدائل الخيالية التي تساعد على خلق ثقافة السلام؟ ما الذي ساعدهم على العمل؟ ما الذي لم ينجح؟

لا اجابة


هل كان هناك أي دعم خارجي حيوي لضمان مشاركة المرأة؟ إذا كان الأمر كذلك ، فماذا يمكننا أن نتعلم من التوقيت والمدة وكيف تم تقديم هذا الدعم؟ ما الدعم الذي قد يكون ساعد ولكن لم يكن قادمًا؟ ما هو الدعم الذي جاء بنتائج عكسية ولماذا؟

لا اعتقد


كيف يمكننا ضمان إدراج احتياجات وآراء أكثر الفئات المهمشة؟ ما هي الأمثلة الجيدة على إدراج النساء ذوات الإعاقة؟ مجتمعات المثليين؟

لمؤسسات المجتمع المدني النسائية دور كبير في ادراج احتياجات واراء الفئات المهمشة



Ayad Babaa


some comment from:

Dr Satya P.Bindra UNDESA Focal Point Libya






What good examples are there of women’s engagement in local peacebuilding efforts? What is different about these examples? Why did they work? What helped make them work? What didn’t work? 

Women wish to be given equal opportunity by accelerating the progress of Agenda 2030 implementation. Presently they are held back in economic reconstruction. They need to prioritize career paths in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM).


How have women managed to engage in local political decision-making post-conflict? What effect has that had on others’ lives? 

Women are neither given sufficiently focused opportunities on a proven strategy to boost the economy: as per Global Goal 8 on Economic Development & Decent Jobs before & during the conflict nor the much needed increased participation required under the Global Goal 5 on Gender Equality and Global Goal 8 on Economic Development & Decent Jobs.


How do you prevent the return to traditional norms after conflicts end? 


During the ongoing Arab Spring 2011 Libya conflict and after the Tripoli war April 2019 conflict Women empowerment NGOs/CSO are being given somewhat increased participation of women with the support of EU International Community like DMC US UK France Holland Canada & UNSMIL in the economy and in economic decision-making, including rebuilding priorities


What role has creating a culture of peace played? 

We need to accelerate the progress in the Implementation of Global Goal 5 on Gender Equality Global Goal 8 on Economic Development & Decent Jobs, Global Goal 16 on Peace Justice & Strong Institution in addition to Global Goal 10 on No Discrimination. UNDESA Focal Point Libya needs big data protection of human rights respect for international humanitarian laws & financial support for capacity development of unity Govt in the west south and east of country.


What examples are there of imaginative alternatives that help create a culture of peace? What helped make them work? What didn’t work? 

Hard to convince the current dis-united GNA Govt & HNC in West and HOR in East There is no respect for human rights and follow up of need to implement international humanitarian laws.


Was there any outside support that was vital to ensuring women’s engagement? If so, what can we learn from the timing, duration and how that support was given? What support might have helped but wasn’t forthcoming? What support was counter-productive and why? 

Yes Women empowerment NGOs had some overseas support from EU, UN UK US & Canada. Both the HOR in East & GNA in west did not provide any support what so ever.


How can we ensure that the needs and views of the most marginalized are included? What good examples are there of including disabled women? LGBTQI communities?


Being a mail dominated society women are not free to express their views. Men get involved in almost all the decision making positions and did not assist adequately UNDESA Focal Point & its 17 Teams related to accelerating the progress in implementing Agenda 2030 especially related to Global Goals 5 on Gender Equality Global Goal 8 on Economic Development Global Goal 16 on Peace Justice & Strong Institution and SDG 10.on No Discrimination.


Belinda Hlatshwayo Moderator

Dear Dr. Satya Bindra,

CC: [~55259] 

Thank you for sharing the insights from Libya, and for noting the importance of a foundation of economic independence for women's empowerment. There are a few points would like to reflect on, and perhaps you could provide some great examples:

  • Gender Equality and Decent Work

Your comment noted the need for increased participation of women in economic activity and gave the example of STEM education as an area where women are under-represented. Indeed there is a felt need for a foundation of economic participation to increase the decision-making capital of women (as also noted by [~92506]  and [~92535] ). Are there any examples or stories you can share where this has worked well in Libya?

  • Technology to accelerate the implementation of the WPS Agenda

You also introduced a great concept of the use of big data to support our understanding of the needs of women and girls at the local level. This coupled with increased STEM education could potentially start closing the gap on women's inclusion in decision-making. Would you perhaps have any best-practice examples of how technology has been used to accelerate the rate of women's inclusion in local governance and peacebuilding? It would be great to hear from you on this topic.

  • Strong national networks and international support

Women's involvement in the Arab Spring made international news, and happy to hear that this was also reflected in the amount of support by the international community to local women's networks. Do the women's networks you mentioned continue to operate? If so, what are some of the success stories of how they have effectively advocated for greater inclusion in decision-making processes? Please feel free to share what has worked well and what hasn't.

Once again, thank you for sharing. Looking forward to your response and insights.

Many thanks,

Ayad Babaa


هنا بعض التعليقات من

مؤسسة ليبيا للتنمية المستدامة LFSD






ما هي الأمثلة الجيدة على مشاركة المرأة في جهود بناء السلام المحلية؟ ما الذي يميز هذه الأمثلة؟ لماذا عملوا؟ ما الذي ساعدهم على العمل؟ ما الذي لم ينجح؟

دور نساء السلام من مصراتة وتاورغاء في ترسيخ قواعد ثمينة ساهمت في المضي قدما في نهاية الصراع وبناء السلام. وتبرز في هذا المجال السيدة آسيا الشويهدي الملقبة بحمامة السلام، والتي ساهمت مع زميلاتها في بناء السلام


كيف تمكنت النساء من الانخراط في صنع القرار السياسي المحلي بعد الصراع؟ ما تأثير ذلك على حياة الآخرين؟

بالنسبة للنساء المنخرطة في القرار السياسي حاليا ، للاسف لم تساهم بشكل واضح وفعال في بناء السلام للاعبي العكس ساهمت في تأجيج الصراعات والوقوف عثرة امام مشاريع السلام ويبرز ذلك في متالين سيئين وهما نهاد معيتيق شقيقة ومستشارة أحد أعضاء المجلس الرئاسي + هناء خضورة عضوة بلدية مصراتة... للأسف السيدتين تقفان حجر عثرة امام بناء السلام وتساهمان في تأجيج الصراعات وقد حاولنا كلاهما منع التقارب بين مصراتة وتاورغاء بكل السبل . وكذلك بين مصراتة وبن وليد.


كيف تمنع العودة إلى الأعراف التقليدية بعد انتهاء النزاعات؟

سؤال غير واضح


ما هو الدور الذي لعبه خلق ثقافة السلام؟

للأسف انطفأت نزاعات واشتعلت اخري، ما يعني أن ثقافة السلام لم تخلق بعد


ما هي الأمثلة على البدائل الخيالية التي تساعد على خلق ثقافة السلام؟ ما الذي ساعدهم على العمل؟ ما الذي لم ينجح؟

تكثيف العمل الميداني علي الارض وبمشاركة اكبر شريحة من الناس والفعاليات


هل كان هناك أي دعم خارجي حيوي لضمان مشاركة المرأة؟ إذا كان الأمر كذلك ، فماذا يمكننا أن نتعلم من التوقيت والمدة وكيف تم تقديم هذا الدعم؟ ما الدعم الذي قد يكون ساعد ولكن لم يكن قادمًا؟ ما هو الدعم الذي جاء بنتائج عكسية ولماذا؟

الدعم موجود بشكل غير كافي، وأتوقع هناك استراتيجية غير سليمة تعمل بها الجهات الدولية ، قد يكون ناتج عن ضعف مستشاريهم


كيف يمكننا ضمان إدراج احتياجات وآراء أكثر الفئات المهمشة؟ ما هي الأمثلة الجيدة على إدراج النساء ذوات الإعاقة؟ مجتمعات المثليين؟

ضمان ذلك بتوسيع قاعدة العمل وتحسين نوعية وجودة الأعمال وإشراك شريحة النساء ذوات الإعاقة


Ayad Babaa

هنا بعض التعليقات من

امل امراجع خليفة العريبي




ما هي الأمثلة الجيدة على مشاركة المرأة في جهود بناء السلام المحلية؟ ما الذي يميز هذه الأمثلة؟ لماذا عملوا؟ ما الذي ساعدهم على العمل؟ ما الذي لم ينجح؟

لقد شاركنا المرأة في نشر السلام عن طريق البرلمانيات السلام و سفراء السلام و تم إعداد الدورات من منظمات الدولية و تم المشاركة في أغلب الندوات و المؤتمرات التي تدعو للامن و الأمان و السلام و لكن وطني مازال منتشر فيه السلاح مع المليشيات مما سبب كثير من العرقلة السلام و لكن نحن مستمرون كنساء بدعم الأمن و الأمان و لغة الحوار و السلام .


كيف تمكنت النساء من الانخراط في صنع القرار السياسي المحلي بعد الصراع؟ ما تأثير ذلك على حياة الآخرين؟

تمكنت المرأة عن طريق الانتخاب و تكوين المنظمات المحلية و المؤسسات من المشاركة في صنع القرار و تسعي دائما الي نشر ثقافة السلام و قد ادي ذلك الثاثير في حياة الكثيرين و إعطائهم دورات يتم استهدفتهم المجموعات من المنظمات لشرح لهم الحياة المدنية و نشر ثقافة السلام و السلم


كيف تمنع العودة إلى الأعراف التقليدية بعد انتهاء النزاعات؟

بعد انتهاء النزاعات يتم التوجه عن طريق صناديق الانتخابات من اجل ترشيح من يمثل الوطن و استفتاء علي الدستور الذي ينظم حياة المجتمع و الدولة .


ما هو الدور الذي لعبه خلق ثقافة السلام؟

ثقافة السلام لها دور كبير في السعي للمواطنين من اجل الاستقرار و نشر الأمن و الأمان و تفعيل القانون و خلق العدالة و احترام حقوق الإنسان والحريات الأساسية


ما هي الأمثلة على البدائل الخيالية التي تساعد على خلق ثقافة السلام؟ ما الذي ساعدهم على العمل؟ ما الذي لم ينجح؟

الي الان لم يتم طرح اي بدائل في بلادي علي خلق ثقافة السلام و لكن من خلال ما تم المرور به أصبح لنا توجه نحو السلم و السلام .


هل كان هناك أي دعم خارجي حيوي لضمان مشاركة المرأة؟ إذا كان الأمر كذلك ، فماذا يمكننا أن نتعلم من التوقيت والمدة وكيف تم تقديم هذا الدعم؟ ما الدعم الذي قد يكون ساعد ولكن لم يكن قادمًا؟ ما هو الدعم الذي جاء بنتائج عكسية ولماذا؟

لا لا يوجد أي دعم خارجي لضمان مشاركة المرأة و لهذا أغلب النساء يتم عزوفهن عن المشاركة .


كيف يمكننا ضمان إدراج احتياجات وآراء أكثر الفئات المهمشة؟ ما هي الأمثلة الجيدة على إدراج النساء ذوات الإعاقة؟ مجتمعات المثليين؟

بان يتم التواصل معهم و معرفة طلباتهم و احتياجاتهم و الوقوف معهم و دعمهم من اجل تحقيق مطالبهم عن طريق الندوات و المؤتمرات التي تخرج عنها توصيات يتم تقديمها اصحاب السلطة لتحقيقها





Ayad Babaa

هنا بعض التعليقات من

سارة المغربي





ما هي الأمثلة الجيدة على مشاركة المرأة في جهود بناء السلام المحلية؟ ما الذي يميز هذه الأمثلة؟ لماذا عملوا؟ ما الذي ساعدهم على العمل؟ ما الذي لم ينجح؟

أصدر مجلس الأمن القرار رقم 1325 حول المرأة والسلام والأمن في سنة 2000، و يدعو القرار إلى تعميم منظور النوع الاجتماعي ( الجندر) في فترات الصراع و النزاع و أكد على أهمية دور المرأة في منع وحل النزاعات و مفاوضات السلام ,و كذلك في الاشتراك في عمليات الإغاثة و إعادة البناء و الإعمار, وكما أكد القرارعلى أهمية مشاركة المرأة في جهود صناعة و حفظ السلام، و على ضرورة توفير حماية أكبر لها من انتهاك حقوقها الانسانية، و إيجاد آليات و تدابير اللازمة لحمايتها. و هذا القرار لم يصدر عبثاً فقد أثبتت النساء قدرتها على صنع التغيير بعد الحروب و النزاعات المسلحة و التاريخ زاخر بأمثلة لعبت فيها المرأة دور جوهري في بناء الدول بعد الحروب و الكوارث, و أكبر الأمثلة دور النساء في أوروبا بعد الحرب العالمية و كذلك تعتبر رواندا من النماذج الناجحة التي اثبتت قوة المرأة في صنع السلام و حفظ الاستقرار بعد الحرف العنيفة بين قبيلتي الهوتو و التوتسي, و تمكنت النساء في أيرلندا الشمالية عبر تشكيل ائتلاف نساء أيرلندا الشمالية بالمساهمة في إنهاء النزاع الذي استمر سنوات طويلة في البلاد. في بلد مثل ليبيا أنهكته النزاعات و الأزمات المتتالية في الستة سنوات الأخيرة و لا يزال يعني من الانفلات الأمني و عدم الاستقرار و تشكل النساء فيه ما يقارب نصف التعداد السكاني فمن الطبيعي أن تلعب المراة دور أساسي في الحياة الاجتماعية و الاقتصادية وعليه يصبح ادماج المرأة في عملية السلام أمر حتمي و ضروري لتحقيق الاستقرار و الأمن في البلاد.


كيف تمكنت النساء من الانخراط في صنع القرار السياسي المحلي بعد الصراع؟ ما تأثير ذلك على حياة الآخرين؟

عبر الانتخابات المحلية يجب ان يكون داعم ومناصر لها


كيف تمنع العودة إلى الأعراف التقليدية بعد انتهاء النزاعات؟

عن طريق التوعية المستمرة


ما هو الدور الذي لعبه خلق ثقافة السلام؟

إحساس الناس من شتى أصقاع المعمورة بالأمن والسكينة والطمأنينة، وعدم الخوف أو الجزع سواءً على النفس أو المال أو العرض أو الأرض، ممّا يجعل الإنسان أكثر إيجابيّة، وأكثر قدرة على البذل والعطاء والتضحية في سبيل الآخرين. التقريب بين الناس مهما اختلفوا في آرائهم ووجهات نظرهم، وجمعهم على الخير والمنفعة والعمل المشترك لما فيه مصلحة البشريّة. الحفاظ على البيئة من المَخاطر العديدة التي تهدّدها؛ إذ تُعدّ الحروب وما ينتج عنها من أبرز هذه المخاطر. استغلال الموارد المختلفة بالشكل الأمثل دون استنزافها فيما لا طائل يُرجى منه. عُمران الأرض، ومكافحة المشاكل الاقتصاديّة التي تهدّد نسبة كبيرة من السكان؛ فلو استُثمِر ما يُنفق على الحروب لمصلحة البشريّة لكان الوضع أفضل.


ما هي الأمثلة على البدائل الخيالية التي تساعد على خلق ثقافة السلام؟ ما الذي ساعدهم على العمل؟ ما الذي لم ينجح؟

إنّ نشر ثقافة السّلام بين الناس يحتاج من الجميع توحيد الصفوف في مواجهة صنوف التطرّف الفكري المتعدّدة؛ مثل: إقصاء الآخر، والدعوة إلى القتل، وما إلى ذلك، ويتمّ ذلك أولاً بتربية النشء الجديد على القيم الفاضلة والعظيمة، واستغلال التعليم في ذلك، ويجب تفعيل دور وسائل الإعلام المختلفة، والوسائل التقنية الحديثة، وشبكة الإنترنت، ووسائل التواصل الاجتماعيّ التي تغلغلت في سائر نواحي الحياة المختلفة، والتي تُعدّ شديدة الصّلة بفئة الشباب؛ تلك الفئة الأكثر استهدافاً من قبل المتطرّفين، وأصحاب الأفكار المنحرفة.


هل كان هناك أي دعم خارجي حيوي لضمان مشاركة المرأة؟ إذا كان الأمر كذلك ، فماذا يمكننا أن نتعلم من التوقيت والمدة وكيف تم تقديم هذا الدعم؟ ما الدعم الذي قد يكون ساعد ولكن لم يكن قادمًا؟ ما هو الدعم الذي جاء بنتائج عكسية ولماذا؟



كيف يمكننا ضمان إدراج احتياجات وآراء أكثر الفئات المهمشة؟ ما هي الأمثلة الجيدة على إدراج النساء ذوات الإعاقة؟ مجتمعات المثليين؟

عن طريق الشبكات والاتحاد وتعاون


Ayad Babaa


هنا بعض التعليقات من

هاني عمار سعيد / مؤسسة المنتهى للتعليم و الابتكار







ما هي الأمثلة الجيدة على مشاركة المرأة في جهود بناء السلام المحلية؟ ما الذي يميز هذه الأمثلة؟ لماذا عملوا؟ ما الذي ساعدهم على العمل؟ ما الذي لم ينجح؟

لدينا العديد من الامتله ممكن تكون واقعيه من واقع تجربه لاكن غير معروفه تم ايقاف حرب كانت ستندلع بين اتنين من القبايل القاطنه اَفي المنطقه الجنوبيه ولاكن كان للمرءة دور كبير جدا في إيقاف هدا الصراع و أيضا تكرر نفس السيناريو في المنطقه الغربيه كان السبب الرئيسي في إيقاف الصراع هي المرءة الذي يميز هذه الامتله انه اغلب المناطق الليبيه تعتمد على واقع قبلي و بطبيعة هذه المناطق تحترم الكلمة التي تكون من مرءة و خاصه حينما تكون المرءة احد اطرف الصراع بالتالي التركيز على هذا الجانب له اتر كبير جدا في الواقع الليبي خاصه المناطق ذات طبع قبلي عملو متل هده المبادرات لإيقاف النزاع الموجود او المتوقع حدوته الذي ساعده احترام هذه المناطق لي قرار المرءة المتضرره والشي الوحيد الذي لم ينجح لم يتم التركيز على بناء سلام حقيقي و حدوت تعايش متل ما كان قبل النزاع بل أصبح كل طرف علي حدا و لا توجد اي اختلاط ولا تواصل بين طرفي النزاع


كيف تمكنت النساء من الانخراط في صنع القرار السياسي المحلي بعد الصراع؟ ما تأثير ذلك على حياة الآخرين؟

لا لا لم تتمكن لانه غير ممارسه لي متل هده السياسات


كيف تمنع العودة إلى الأعراف التقليدية بعد انتهاء النزاعات؟

احيانا الاعراف و التقاليد احد اسباب إيقاف الصراع احيانا تكون طرف رئيسي فيه بل يعتمد على من يطبق هذه الاعراف الاعراف على حسب وجهة نظري لا يمكن اقصاءها


ما هو الدور الذي لعبه خلق ثقافة السلام؟

خلق اشياء ايجابيه اولها إيقاف النزاع او منع حدوت نزاع و كذلك خلق نوع من العوده الى التفكير السليم و التفكير العقلاني و السعي لي جبر الضرر



هل كان هناك أي دعم خارجي حيوي لضمان مشاركة المرأة؟ إذا كان الأمر كذلك ، فماذا يمكننا أن نتعلم من التوقيت والمدة وكيف تم تقديم هذا الدعم؟ ما الدعم الذي قد يكون ساعد ولكن لم يكن قادمًا؟ ما هو الدعم الذي جاء بنتائج عكسية ولماذا؟

لا حاليا لا يوجد بل تحتاج المرأة لي التوعيه بدورها المهم و الحساس في صنع السلام و كذلك لتعرف كيفية التدخل و متى و أيضا على حسب ما أرى أن السلام بداية يصنع من وسط البيت من خلال الام و يصنع في المدارس التي يعتمد الكادر الوضيفي الموجود في المدارس على المعلمات و خاصتا الاخصائية الاحتماعيه


كيف يمكننا ضمان إدراج احتياجات وآراء أكثر الفئات المهمشة؟ ما هي الأمثلة الجيدة على إدراج النساء ذوات الإعاقة؟ مجتمعات المثليين؟

بالنسبه لي النساء ذوي الاعاقه اي طرف رئيسي و حساس يحتاجو الي توعيه بالأحرى توجيه جيد لكي يمارسو ادوارهم التي لا تقل أهمية عن غيرهم و بالتالي التوعيه و التوجيه والإرشاد هما افضل الطرق لكي تندمج متل هده الفئات معا غيرها و ممارسة المسؤليات التي تقع على عاتقهم كواقع الموجود نحترم متل هده الفئات و يتم التعامل معاها بعاطفه و لاكن يجب التوجيه لكي لا يتم اقصائهم من اي قرارات مصيريه او سياسيه



Ayad Babaa


هنا بعض التعليقات من

منظمة الطموح لرعاية حقوق المراة و الطفل و الاعمال الخيرية






ما هي الأمثلة الجيدة على مشاركة المرأة في جهود بناء السلام المحلية؟ ما الذي يميز هذه الأمثلة؟ لماذا عملوا؟ ما الذي ساعدهم على العمل؟ ما الذي لم ينجح؟

الامثلة علي ذلك دور برلمانيات صناعات السلام و سفيرات السلام و دورهن في نشر السلام و ثقافة السلام و السلم و توجه للحوار من اجل بناء وطن ديمقرطي و مدني و دستوري و كان له ثاثير كبير من اجل تحقيق السلام

5.كيف تمكنت النساء من الانخراط في صنع القرار السياسي المحلي بعد الصراع؟ ما تأثير ذلك على حياة الآخرين؟

لقد تمكنت عن طريق منظمات المجتمع المدني و ما مرت به من دورات ثثقيف معني السلام و عن طريق الانتخاب في البلديات و البرلمان و و اعطاءها فرصة لمناقشة في مصير الوطن و كان لهن الناشطات المستقالات الدور المهم في ذلك


كيف تمنع العودة إلى الأعراف التقليدية بعد انتهاء النزاعات؟

بعد ان تتكون دولة الدستور و العدالة القضائية و عن طريق الانتخاب


ما هو الدور الذي لعبه خلق ثقافة السلام؟

ثقافة السلام تتناقض مع ثقافة المحاربين و تشكيلات المسلحة والمعروف أيضًا باسم المجتمع المسيطر ، مما يجعل من الضروري نمو ثقافة السلام إذا كان للبشرية البقاء على قيد الحياة و إن المجتمعات التي تصنع أطفالها اجتماعيا من أجل السلوك العدواني تجعل الحروب أكثر احتمالا ، وفي حلقة مفرغة ، تقوم الحروب بجماعة الناس على العدوانو عليه يجب الاصرار علي ثقافة السلام من اجل خلق وطن بغيد عن الحرب


ما هي الأمثلة على البدائل الخيالية التي تساعد على خلق ثقافة السلام؟ ما الذي ساعدهم على العمل؟ ما الذي لم ينجح؟

تشخيص وتطبيق الحلول السلمية لفض النزاعات (مثل مهارات حل المشكلات، وصنع القرار، والتفكير الناقد، والتعامل مع الضغوط، والتعامل مع العواطف، والتواصل، والعلاقات بين الأشخاص). تشخيص المواقف الخطرة وتجنّبها (مثلاً مهارات التفكير الناقد، وحل المشكلات، وصنع القرار). تقييم حلول العنف، التي تبدو ناجحة كما تصوّرها وسائل الإعلام (كمهارة التفكير الناقد مثلاً). مقاومة الضغط من الأَقران والراشدين الهادف إلى استخدام السلوك العنيف (مثلاً مهارات حل المشكلات، وصنع القرار، والتفكير الناقد، والتعامل مع الضغوط، والتعامل مع العواطف، والتواصل، والعلاقات بين الأشخاص). أداء دور الوسيط وتهدئة المتخاصمين (مثلاً مهارات الوعي الذاتي "معرفة الذات"، وحل المشكلات، وصنع القرار، والتفكير الناقد، والتعامل مع الضغوط، والتعامل مع العواطف، والتواصل، والعلاقات بين الأشخاص). المساعدة في منع وقوع الجرائم في المجتمع المحلي (مثلاً مهارات حل المشكلات، وصنع القرار، والتواصل، والتعامل مع العواطف). خفض التحامل وزيادة التسامح من أجل التنوّع/التباين (على سبيل المثال مهارات التفكير الناقد، والتعامل على الضغوط، والتعامل مع العواطف، والتواصل، والعلاقات ما بين الأشخاص).


هل كان هناك أي دعم خارجي حيوي لضمان مشاركة المرأة؟ إذا كان الأمر كذلك ، فماذا يمكننا أن نتعلم من التوقيت والمدة وكيف تم تقديم هذا الدعم؟ ما الدعم الذي قد يكون ساعد ولكن لم يكن قادمًا؟ ما هو الدعم الذي جاء بنتائج عكسية ولماذا؟

لا يوجد ابدا دعم من اي جهة خارجية لاجل ثقافة السلام مع اننا خاطبنا المنظمات بحصول علي دعم من اجل اعداد دورات ثقافة السلام و لكن لا يوجد رد


كيف يمكننا ضمان إدراج احتياجات وآراء أكثر الفئات المهمشة؟ ما هي الأمثلة الجيدة على إدراج النساء ذوات الإعاقة؟ مجتمعات المثليين؟

الوفاء بحقوق المرأة من ذوات الاعاقة الاقتصادية، والاجتماعية، والثقافية، يجب أن يكون جزءاً لا يتجزأ من استراتيجية الدولة في تحقيق العدالة الاجتماعية. رفع تقارير دورية إلى لجان رصد مواثيق حقوق الأنسان لمعرفة مدى تمتع النساء من ذوات الاعاقة بهذه الحقوق وإصدار التوصيات المناسبة بشأنها. حماية وضمان الحقوق الاجتماعية للمرأة من ذوات الاعاقة لكفالة تمتعها بالحق في الزواج. تصميم وتنفيذ برامج تأهيل للنساء من ذوات الاعاقة مثل (التعليم والتدريب والصحة ومحو الأمية الرقمية) مما يؤدي الى تنميتهن وتحسين وضعهن الاقتصادي وبالتالي زيادة فرصهن في الزواج. حظر التعقيم القسري للنساء من ذوات الاعاقة بموجب القانون وتأمين ضمانات إجرائية مناسبة لحمايتهن. توفير كافة التسهيلات من علاج ووسائل صحية ومسكن ملائم للمرأة من ذوات الاعاقة المتزوجة. توفير دخل مناسب لغير القادرين على العمل من الأزواج ذوي الاعاقة، وتمكين القادرين منهم من إيجاد فرص عمل. تسخير الإعلام لتوفير بيئة مجتمعية ملائمة لتقبل زواج النساء من ذوات الاعاقة ومساندته. إنشاء الوحدات التي تعنى بإقامة الدورات التثقيفية الخاصة بالحقوق الجنسية والإنجابية للأشخاص ذوي الاعاقة الراغبين في الزواج . توفير الخدمات المساعدة للنساء من ذوات الاعاقة غير قادرات على خدمة انفسهن، بالاضافة الى الدعم الاجتماعي لتفادي عزلتهن وملازمتهن للمنزل.

swedi bilombele
Dear Responsable Compliment of the day, Please, this is an acknowledgement of receipt about your conversation received recently in which you have indicated me to share in my opinion on activities and measures that should be taken in order to prevent the return to traditional norms after conflict end suggestions on how international actors can contribute more. Women are largely absent in the international arena, but very active at the non-governmental organization level. Women do play a role in defining and influencing international relations through a different mode of action during post conflicts, to intervene in peace building measures as well as peacemaking of conflict resolution and peace building activities on how women exist and work within this framework. In situations of conflict, suffering human rights abuses, such as rape, forced pregnancy and abortion, and they often comprise the highest percentage of refugees and internally displaced people. Women are often excluded from decision making during peace process and reconstruction and reconciliation efforts. Women have a role to play in conflicts prevention and peacebuilding by the activities of many women and women’s organizations and need to be at the heart of post war reconstruction and reconciliation process in sustaining peace. the activities and measures that should be taken in order to prevent the return to traditional norms after conflict are mentionned below: - To bring pressure to our political leaders through the launch of its demand dignity campaign to address the world’s human rights crisis and to tackle the human rights abuses and discrimination for to empower the value of women and their own lives. - Providing adequate education for indigenous young girls, an educational kit to work against violence and right to be protected, - To give practical advice to civil society organizations in developing countries on how to plan , organize , carry out and evaluate campaigns related to the misuse and uncontrolled proliferation of small arms in advancing human security between communities, - Creating awareness in media , campaign s for sustainable peace and conflict prevention, - Support civil society NGOs in the work of the international community on sustainable development in the organization of some other events to sustain peace, collaborating with the national Focal Point and regional to bring them in for a workshop or council meeting to brief us the role of NGO in their countries with regard women status of your collaboration with NGOs regarding the situation of women rights violations in order to promote practical and social stability between peoples. - Strengthening effective collaboration between and among governments and CSOs, - Implementation and dissemination of truth and reconciliation commission and the poverty reduction strategies skills , training for youth and economic empowerment for women, - The establishment of monitoring and evaluation mechanism and strengthening effective collaboration between and among governments and NGOs, - Support social and youth empowerment and capacity building through employment activities, - Strengthening the country capacity and socio-economic and reintegration of combatants, human rights , justice and security sector reform, - Sensitized on the role of women in society, on equality of sex and opportunity, in all political, social, cultural and economic fields - Advocate local authorities, customary for their involvement in the role of women, - Fight against gender-based discrimination - Encourages the initiative of income-generating activities in women's groups, - Intensify awareness sessions - Strengthen the self-promotion practices of women's committees, - Exchange of experiences between groups at all levels - Promote access of the poor to education services - Promote good governance - Accelerate growth and base it on equity. - Hoping to hearing from you - With Best regard - Mr. Crispin
Zenobia Association for Syrian Women

1.ما هي الأمثلة الجيدة على مشاركة المرأة في جهود بناء السلام المحلية؟ ما الذي يميز هذه الأمثلة؟ لماذا عملوا؟ ما الذي ساعدهم على العمل؟ ما الذي لم ينجح؟ 

من الأمثلة الجيدة ومن خلال عملنا مع النساء السوريات  في المناطق الفقيرة والمهمشة في تركيا  واللواتي أغلبهن أميات  أو لم يكملن تعليمهن فعندما تم طرح موضوع بناء السلام والدور الكبير للمرأة فيه وجدنا تفاعل كبير من معظم النساء والمطالبة بالمزيد من الجلسات لكي يكن على دراية أكبر  ويكون لهن دور بالمشاركة الفاعلة  وبدأ يتجلى ذلك من خلال طرح النساء أمثلة عن أفكارهن في تنشئة أبنائهن على السلام وكيف بدأن في النقاش  مع أسرهن حول هذا الموضوع وكثير منهن بدأن بالبحث عن فرص للمشاركة الفعالة مثل (التطوع ، تعلم مبادئ الاسعافات الأولية )

الذي لم ينجح هو أنه نسبة الفقر الكبيرة الموجودة بين صفوف اللاجئين يسبب كثير من المشاكل والمعوقات كما أن صفة اللاجئ التي تقييد السورريين في الاندماج بالمجتمع المستضيف وبسبب بعض القوانين تجعل هناك فجوة كبيرة وعائق أمام تحقيق السلام المحلي 

2.كيف تمكنت النساء من الانخراط في صنع القرار السياسي المحلي بعد الصراع؟ ما تأثير ذلك على حياة الآخرين؟ 

من خلال المشاركة في المؤتمرات العالمية والسعي لتحقيق قوانين منصفة

3.كيف تمنع العودة إلى الأعراف التقليدية بعد انتهاء النزاعات؟ 

من خلال التوعية بالأضرار التي تسببها الأعراف المجحفة والعمل على انهاء وجودها والتركيز على تعزيز الاعراف التقليدية التي تدعم السلام والحياة الأمنة الكريمة

4.ما هو الدور الذي لعبه خلق ثقافة السلام؟ 

تفعيل لغة الحوارات المجتمعية الراقية وتقبل اختلافات الأخرين وتعزيز روابط المحبة والتراحم بين البشر الأمر الذي يؤدي بالتدريج إلى انهاء النزاعات 

  1. ما هي الأمثلة على البدائل الخيالية التي تساعد على خلق ثقافة السلام؟ ما الذي ساعدهم على العمل؟ ما الذي لم ينجح؟ 

ممكن أن تكون في تغيير المناهج التعليمية بحيث تركز على السلام ونبذ خطاب الكراهية وهذا يضمن تنشئة جيل مؤمن بالسلام،أيضا تفعيل اللقاءات الحوارية بين المجتمعات  المختلفة (طائفيا ، ثقاقيا ، عرقيا ، دينيا ،......) يمكن أن تساعد بشكل كبير على خلق مساحات أمنة تدعم التواصل السلمي بين هذه المجتمعات 

6.كيف يمكننا ضمان إدراج احتياجات وآراء أكثر الفئات المهمشة؟ ما هي الأمثلة الجيدة على إدراج النساء ذوات الإعاقة؟ 

عن طريق منظمات المجتمع المدني والتأكيد دائما على طرح احتياجات هذه الفئات في المؤتمرات والفعاليات التي تناقش الأمور الانسانية 

Anouk Heili Moderator


Summmary of weeks 4 and 5


Dear participants,

Thank you very much for your contributions in the past two weeks. The experiences you shared from various contexts (including Libya, Niger, Nigeria, Sudan, Georgia, Uganda, the Philippines and Syria) highlighted multiple issues of relevance to the work on women’s participation in political planning and local peacebuilding. These will be critical for this consultation and recommendations going forward.

During these two weeks you highlighted the following points:

  • The importance of women peacebuilders’ engagement at the community level in all countries. In numerous contexts, women’s groups have been providing support to vulnerable groups who suffer the consequences of conflicts and are often the first responders at the community level
  • The need for a meaningful participation of local women groups, youth peacebuilders and minorities in the design of policies, plans and programs from the start. A good practice to ensure participation of these different groups is the localization of national action plans which leads to the adoption of local action plans and policies that take into account the local context. When plans are co-designed by women’s groups, they are more likely to be implemented and sustainable.
  • The need to link efforts on women’s participation in decision-making structures to gender equality in the homes, through awareness raising at all levels. Pre-conditions are required for women to be able to participate in decision-making and these include for example financial and economic independence of women at the local level. To ensure this bottom-up approach, targeting women at all levels of society is necessary, for example through the use of different means of communication, thereby ensuring that youth and minority groups are also accounted for.
  • Linked to this point, the need to use transformative approaches, to ensure gains made  regarding women’s participation in society and decision-making during conflict times are not lost, was also highlighted. Building on women’s new roles and new awareness by the population these roles was considered key by a number of participants.
  • Building linkages and solidarity regionally and in-country was also highlighted as a best practice for advocacy. In several countries, building on national, regional or international networks helped women groups to add gravitas to their demands and advocacy with the government. Building support systems between women’s groups at the national or regional levels and engage these networks in advocacy efforts can thus have a meaningful impact. The role of the international community in providing support and tools to women peacebuilders in conflict situation was also recognized with a demand by a number of participants for more support by international actors.

Thank you again and we look forward to your continued engagement during the last week of the consultation!




Henri Myrttinen Moderator

Dear all,

My name is Henri Myrttinen and I will be your moderator for this, our sixth and final week. Thank you all for your active participation and insights so far! As this is our final week, we are hoping to dig even deeper into what has worked, why it has worked, what can be learned, and what can be transferred to different contexts and adapted there. So please keep on sharing your stories, especially on the questions that have received less attention so far.

By way of background, I am currently working as an independent researcher on gender, peace and security, having spent the past 15 years or so working for different NGOs as well as academically, especially in Southeast, South and Central Asia, the MENA region and Eastern Europe.

I'm really looking forward to engaging with all of you over the next 7 days!




Mona Aridi

Thank you Henri 

well I’m so grateful to be part of this amazing discussion however Unfortunately I’ve been invited  since two days ago but I joined lately to find so precious group to share and know about world wide experiences 

I will try to discuss how as much as I can replying the questions for different topics 

Best regards


Henri Myrttinen Moderator

Dear all,

As we are in the last week of this discussion, I wanted to ask you to dig a bit deeper into some of the aspects which have perhaps not been covered in as much depth so far, and getting into more detail around what you have achieved, and how, in your practice. What were the necessary preconditions for success? What were the challenges? How did you overcome these?

One question I would have in particular is around working on gender equality, women's participation and cultures of peace on the ground. In promoting peacebuilding, social cohesion or cultures of peace there can often be a risk of an approach that avoids confronting issues of gender for the sake of social stability. How have you, in practice, been able to navigate and balance peacebuilding, engaging with actors who hold on to patriarchal values  and promoting women's participation?





Olenka Ochoa Berreteaga

Mi nombre Olenka Ochoa from Perú. Involved for several years in Peace, security, Safety a. I think one Main challengue for our Latino Región and México is the implementation of 1325 in National and Local levels, some of our countries and cities are post conflict or conflict áreas. And un the case of México is confronting special circunstances of "war". I

 our work is  supporting Women leaders as National or local authorities , police forces, youth orgsnizations, Indígenous to create innovative interventions to attend the impact of Urban Violence, crime, post conflict legacy, based in 1325  perspective. 

Olenka Ochoa Berreteaga

En el proceso de pacificación y reconstrucción en Perú se tiene dos momentos fin de los 80s e inicio de los 90s que el conflicto y el terrorismo va terminando y el fines de los 90 e inicios del SXXI que termina la Dictadura, las mujeres estuvieron liderando muchos espacios, como dirigentas de base, como lideres políticas, como autoridades locales, líderes campesinas e indígenas, lo que hizo posible que se incorpore ejes de género, interculturalidad, igualdad, violencia, ddhhh etc, políticas, leyes. Instancias de Gobierno. Un impulso fue la Conferencia de Beijing 1995.

Un espacio oficial fue la Comisión Verdad y Reconciliación y el Acuerdo Nacional de Gobernabilidad  

امل امراجع خليفة العريبي

السلام عليكم و سعيدة جدا للانظمامي معكم في هذه الغرفة 


Olenka Ochoa Berreteaga

As expert of Internationall Mission by "Club de Madrid" in LatinAmerican I realized the relevant of foreign support to involved civil society and Women movement in the National efforts to spreading and promoting the implementation of UNSC 1325. One of this support we were developing in Bolivia in times of political conflict in middle of electoral process ( and reelection of Pdte Evo Morales), the challengues were diverse : to show the UNSC 1325 approach, to do incidence at high levels of decisión making, to involved Women leaders ( Indígenous, political, NGOs, experta etc) and share tools and organizee the National dialogue to promote the implementation. In the case of Colombia the efforts of Mission was support a training workshop of political Women leaders who were candidates to National elections. The Club de Madrid Mission in LatinAmerican arribe aprox 2010 with a team of headquarter Office, a EU Parliament member, one expert of Peace from Europe and un My case as expert from Perú a(Womenpeacemaker by IPJ-USD)

Henri Myrttinen Moderator

Dear Olenka Ochoa Berreteaga,

Thank you for joining and sharing your insights! Could you tell us a bit more in detail about how you have been able to engage with different groups of women? What kind of strategies and what kind of entry points did you use to engage for example with indigenous and non-indigenous women? Or with younger women and older women? What kind of results did your engagements with these different grups lead to? What were the biggest successes?



Mona Aridi

تحية طيبة من لبنان

سأنقل لكم من خلال النقاش تجربتي الشخصية من خلال مهنتي كيفية تعزيز دور المرأة في المجتمع والمكافحة من تحقيق التوصيات الدولية بحمايتها وصون حقوقها كإنسان قبل أن تتسم بالصفة الإنثوية التي لم ولن أفهم يوماً لماذا ونحن في القرن ٢١ لا نزال ناحدث عن حق إنسان لمجرد أنها أنثى في حين تعمل المجتمعات الدولية على تعزيز مبدأ الأنسنك بعيداً عن الجندرية.

من خلال تحربتي في عالم الصحافة والعلاقات العامة عملتُ نظاماً خاصاً بي وقانون يشبه تتطلعاتي لصون حق الإنسان الذي لا يجب أن يكون منة من أحد فغالباً ما كُنت ألغي نشر قصة أو تحقيق وخسارة فرصة نجاح مهني على حساب ألم إنسان فينحول النحقيق الصحفي أو القصة من مادة إعلامية إلى قضية أُجند لأجلها كل طاقتي وإمكانياتي ومعارفي لأحقق عدالة إجتماعية ولو كانت بيني وبين صاحب/ة القضية.

ولأن النساء في المجتمع الشرقي عموماً وليس فقط في لبنان رغم المناداة والصراخ بإسم الديمقراطية والحرية إلا أن لا تزال أساليب القمع والتحجيم والتهميش قائمة في مجتمعاتنا على تعدد أشكالها.

لذلك أخذت على عاتقي أن النجاح يبدأ من نصرة إنسان سأخوض تجربة النقاش وحضراتكم من باب التجربة بعيداً عن المثاليات والخيال.

١- حول الأمثلة الجيدة حول مساركة المرأة في جهود بناء السلام 

أن بناء السلام يبدأ من داخلنا قبل أن نعززه في المحيط . علينا أن نشعر بالسلام الداخلي قبل تحفيز الآخرين على بناءه. وهذا الأمر يبدأ من تقبل الآخر بكافة معتقداته وأفكاره وخلفياته الثقافية والدينية وإنتماءاته ولا سيما نحن في لبنان نعيش في ظل نظام طائفي لم يتخطَ المجتمع المحلي مأساة الصراع المذهبي حتى اللحظة ولذلك المثال الأنجح في هذا السياق هي دخول المرأة اللبنانية معترك العمل الإجتماعي من بابها الواسعة في ظل مساركتها الخجولة في المعترك السياسي لسنوات ومن هنا كان تعزيز دور المرأة في فرض نفسها على القضايا الإنسانية والإجتماعية ورفضها النزاعات والصراعات القائمة على أساس مذهبي بحجة أن هذه النزاعات لم تتسبب إلا بفقدان أبنائهم الذين إستشهدوا ليحيا السياسيون.

مثالاً على ذلك هو مشهد السلسلة النسوية التي وقفت بالمرصاد في منطقة التماس سابقاً عين الرمانة - الشياح وبداية شرارة الحرب الأهلية آنذاك وعبرت بشكل مؤثر عن رفضها قتل الجيل الجديد الذي نشأ بديل عن جيل هُدرت وزُهقت دمائه خسارة ..المسهد الذي ذكرني بالمرأة التي إخترقت صفوف جيشيين متخاصمين في بلاد القوقاز وخلعت غطاء رأسها تعبيراً عن رفضها للحرب والنزاع مما أخجل الجيشيين وجعلهم يتراجعون عن حرب دامية لا تُحمد عواقبها.

 هذا المثال وغيره من أنشطة نسوية للتأكيد على النسبج الوطني الذي لا يمكن أن يتم إلا بالشراكة الوطنية وذلك من خلال أنشطة مشتركة بين مختلف البيئة التي تمتاز بها كل منطقة وتعزيز دور الحوار وتفعيله من خلال مشاركة النساء في ورشات عمل على مستوى مناطق ولا سيما التي تشهد نزاعات مختلفة.

ساعدهم ذاكرتهم التي توقفت عند ذاك الخوف الذي لا ينتهي عند ألم الحرب والتهجير والموت والقصف والقتل...ساعدهم تركيز المرأة على المستقبل عكس بعض الرجال الذين يروا في الماضي مُتعة في عرض بطولات الحروب وتشكيل قوى وتيارات قتلت في الخرب وتزعمت السلطة في السلم 

أما ما الذي لم ينجح هو تشبت السياسيين بالنظام الطائفي الذي لم ينتج عنه سوى التفرقة وعدم الإنصات لدعوات الأمهات لرفضهن النزاعات القائمة على حساب حياة أولادهم ومستقبلهم.



Mona Aridi

2.كيف تمكنت النساء من الانخراط في صنع القرار السياسي المحلي بعد الصراع؟ ما تأثير ذلك على حياة الآخرين؟ 

على الرغم من الإتفاقيات الدولية وإلتزام الدول بمقرارتها بشأن إشراك المرأة في صنع القرار السياسي إلا أن في لبنان رغم الإنفتاح والديمقراطية والحرية ونشر ثقافة دور المرأة وحضورها في عدد من المحافل إلاّ أن لا يزال تمثيلها يُعد خجولاً بعض الشيء على الرغم من تعيين ستة وزيرات في الحكومة الحالية إلا أن المرأة التي يجب أن تُمثل شعبها في صنع القرار على أساس رغبة المجتمع شبه مُنعدم. 

فالمرأة أن ترأت وزارة أو موقع سلطة ما فما زالت تخضع لسياسة السلطة الشاملة وهي ليست حرة بقرارتها وتوجهاتها وطموحاتها وإلا لن تصل بحيث من كانت تملك هذه المميزات وهذا القدر من التمكن بشخصيتها ممنوع عليها أن تكون في موقع السلطة في ظل نظام طائفي تعذى زعماء الطوائف وإستمدوا قوتهم من سياسة التفرقة والتعصب الطائفي ليظهروا لسنوات بالنسبة لأبناء مذاهبهم الأبطال الخارقين الذين يقفوا بوجه على من يتعدىعلى حقوق الطائفة على كافة الأصعدة.

لذلك أن أي تغييرفي هذا النهج والصورة النمطية للسياسة اللبنانية منذ ٣٠ سنة سيكون بمثابة خرق.

وهنا يكمن دور المجتمع المحلي الذي بات على علم وثيق بأن هذه السياسة أودت لبنان إلى الهلاك فلا بد من تغيير جذري وهي إعادة التنشئة الوطنية ودعم النساء من النساء أنفسهم من خلال تمكينهم ثقافياًوخبرة ومعرفة وتعزيز دور القيادي المتواجد في شخصيتهنّ خلال إنخراطهم في العمل السياسي المتمثل في دور القيادي في الأحزاب هو الأمر الذي يجب الحث فيه الأحزاب لتهيئة كوادر نسائية توصلها إلى موقع القرار دون منة من الكوتا النسائية المعقدة.

المشكلة أن في مجتمعنا تبدأ في أن عدو المرأة هي المرأة نفسها بحيث المجتمع النسوي غالباً ما يحارب المرأة من خلال عدم بقدرتها وبإعتقادهم أن الرجل متمكن أكثر في فهم اللعبة السياسية قد تكون صعبة على المرأة خوضها وهنا تكمن الخيانة على صناديق الإقتراع حيث تُشطب المرأة من اللوائح من قبل النساء المقترعات قبل الرجال.

أن تعزيز دور صنع القرار يبدأ من دورها وقرارتها والأخذ في آرائها ضمن عائلتها وتعزيز دورها القيادي في المنزل ومن ثم المجتمع ومن ثم إلى موقع القرار. ويتحقق ذلك من خلال تكثيف مهمات السيدات في العمل السياسي إلى جانب العمل الإجتماعي الذي بدوره يكشف قضايا المجتمع المخفية وتصقلها المرأة وتدفع بها إلى المجلس لخوض معاركها بعيداً عن قصص الخيال والدفاع عن قضايا غير ملموسة ومقتصرة على القراءات.

ومع ذلك أؤكد لكم ومن خلال تواجدي في موقع القرار في مؤسسة تمثل السلطة المحلية أن التغيير الجذري قد ظهر جلياً بعد إختراقي لصفوف المجلس البلدي ال ١٥ المؤلف من الرجال فقط واستطعت في خلال سنتين تكريس دوري كأُنثى في صنع القرار وتمكنت من تغيير الصورة النمطية للعمل البلدي ألا وهو البنى التحتية والعقارات والبناء والزفت والإمدادات الصحية وغيره.

فقد إستطعت أن أمثل رؤية الشباب من خلال إدراج مشاريعهم على خارطة العمل الإجتماعي والبيئي والتوعوي من خلالإبتكار نشاطات بالتعاونمع المنظمات كما عملت على تنظيم حملات توعوية من خلال فيديوهات قصيرة على مواقع الوسائل الإجتماعية تحمل رسائل مؤثرة فضلاً عن حواجز المحبة التي تكسر السورة النمطية لفكرة الحواجز أيام الحرب وتوزيع على المارة خدمات بيئية أو منشورات توعوية ومحفزات على تعزيز التواصل والإنتماء بشتى الطرق.

أن هذه التجربة التي لا زالت مُستمرة حتى اللحظة كان تأثيرها واضحاً من خلال تفاعل المجتمع مع كل فكرة ورسائل الدعموالتعاون وتكريس فرق متطوعة من الشباب ولا سيما الإناث لتنفيذ الأفكار والمشاريع على أنواعها مما دفع البعض إلى المطالبة بي للترشح على رئاسة البلدية في الدور القادم وهذه ثقة أعتز بها في دعم مجتمعي ورؤيتي في موقع القيادة لما فيه لصالح المجتمع والمدينة.

والتأثير الأجمل كان دعم النساء وإنخراطها أكثر في العمل وتطوعها في شتى المجالات بعد تعزيز دورها والتنسيق معهم في شتى المشاريع وتنفيذ توصياتهم بعد كل ورشة عمل إجتماع  أو لقاء مُثمر عن عاصفة ذهنية يمكن القول أنها غالباً ما كانت الأكثر جرأة منذ سنوات

Henri Myrttinen Moderator

Thank you Mona Aridi for sharing your comments, thoughts and experiences! Could you tell us a bit more about how you were able to get into municipal politics in spite of all the obstacles and resistance? What were the key factors to your success? And how is the current crisis affecting your work?

Mona Aridi

Thank you for your supporting...

Well as a reply at  your question Mr. Henri about being into municipal politics in-spite of obstacles simply I had worked on my image around by being active and volunteer for all social works and I was writing and reporting for the media about my community for 10 years so I had my own power and wasn’t so easy nor difficult to put my experiences within municipal work as a mini government. So being trust myself and what I have new thoughts presented the young's mentality  within creative aimed activities. More over I wasn’t expecting the support that I had from my society who are anxious for a change definitely but no had the time or power to take the step snd face all the resistance. Nowadays I feel so grateful to be one of effecting personality for lot of people and had so many viewers always looking forward for a new projects to be part of new challenges and powerful change As If we are planting now for a good fruits in a future and looking forward to make more changes since I had no more obstacles I can’t face and I’m sure if we all think that way others will start to work in parallel with women not ag

Mottee Prisheela

In Mauritius, during the confinement period , Raise Brave Girls association has come forward with daily series of live video on social media where we worked with women on self development and self instrsopection. At same time we have also invited a number of professional raging from legal sector to psychologist to give advice to women who needed same. It was one of the best ways for us to help and give support to people. Our we series have helped to calm inner instable waves inside people through creative activities and inspirational stories. Confinement was a new experience and we found an effective way to help people direct their energies in a creative way which has helped to maintained peace in the family and it reflected as a whole in the society.

Henri Myrttinen Moderator

Thank you, Mottee Prisheela! That sounds great and is a really important intervention. Would you be able to share a link to these videos?


Henri Myrttinen Moderator

Dear all,

Allow me to share with you a post from Noha Ibrahim Abdelgabar from Sudan, who unfortunately was not able to log on to the system

Women participation in political participation and local peace building in Sudan – Post-Omar-al-Bashir Regime : April 2019 – Present.

Women were at the forefront of the protests that led to the ousting of the al-Bashir regime in Sudan in the spring of 2019.

The Sudan revolution reflected and embraced the diversity of Sudan society, especially women groups, civil society, resistance groups, ethnic and religious minorities, those who have been displaced, and people with disabilities.
Women individually and collectively took to the streets and pushed for change ‘without invitation’. At the local level, civil society and neighborhood committees are key areas for women engagement. The participation of women in the Sudan revolution offered new insight into women’s views and the potential for mass organization in Sudan.

Ever since the start of the revolution, a wide range of women-led organizations are calling for Sudanese women’s meaningful participation in the transition process and protection of their rights.

Post-revolution transitional government in Sudan represented an opportunity in ensuring women’s political participation in transitional government and that women, including victims of mass rape during paramilitary crackdowns on female protesters outside the army headquarters in Khartoum on 3rd June 2019, are consulted and heard, and that they serve a leading role in creating and enacting political solution.

But, the effectiveness of women in the revolution is not matched by securing their voice in the new institutions of the current transitional government.  While the formation of the new transitional governed in Sudan reflects the newfound visibility of women today in Sudan, there is a need for more efforts to sustain and ensue meaningful inclusion of women in political planning. At present, women have been appointed to just two of 11 positions in the country’s newly appointed Sovereign Council.

On the other hand, efforts by different women’s organizations are geared towards cementing and enhancing women’s political voice and representation through the current political transformation in Sudan.  Some notable achievements have been made in terms of abolishing outright discriminatory law such as “Public Order Law” and criminalizing Female Genital Mutilation. There is still a need for a comprehensive gender equality efforts across all sectors, especially socio-economic, education, law, health and conflict.


Mona Aridi

3.كيف تمنع العودة إلى الأعراف التقليدية بعد انتهاء النزاعات

كم هو جميل هذا السؤال لأنه يعبر عن مخاوفنا جميعاً وهو كيفية الصمود في وجه التغيير والحفاظ عليه والثبات على النتيجة التي وصلنا إليها بعد إنتهاء الصراع. 

برأيي أن الذي يتغير ويتقبل النتيجة هو سعيد بهذا التقدم ومن الصعب إقناعه لو كان العكس لذلك ما يجب أن نأخذ بعين الإعتبار ليس عودة المرأة إلى ممارسة القديمة بل العمل على من هم يتحكمون في رغبة وقرارات النساء ألا وهو المجتمع الذي تربى على عادات كرست دور الرجل على حساب المرأة وبما أن هذه المهمة ليست بسهلة وتتطلب سنين يجب دائماً دعم المرأة معنوياً ومتابعتها وإخضاعها كل فترة لتدريب جديد يقوي من إيمانها بأن هذا التغيير هو لصالحها حتماً وأنها في المكان الصحيح ومع الوقت تصبح الشخصية القوية والثقة بالنفس عادة مُكتسبة بعد العمل على التأكيد علىأنها لن تكون وحدها بعد الآن وأنها ستكون قدوة لسواها في المستقبل القريب 

Henri Myrttinen Moderator

Thank you Mona Aridi for all of your wonderful insights!

Erna Nurkholida Hasan
  1. What good examples are there of women’s engagement in local peacebuilding efforts? by establishing a movement that can be by education.
  2.   Why did they work? They do it temporarily and not together in doing their movement. they do individuals. 
  3. How have women managed to engage in local political decision-making post-conflict? They rarely do movement after post conflict. What effect has that had on others’ lives? No Quality of women and right now women in the jail of situation.
  4. How do you prevent the return to traditional norms after conflicts end?  By educate them in new normal perception, and by empowering them about digital view.
  5. What role has creating a culture of peace played?  Culture plays important role in women life. Giving them good ecucation make them adapted the situation.
  6. What examples are there of imaginative alternatives that help create a culture of peace? Educate them in making traditional cloth of batik, and produce traditional cosmetics. What helped make them work? What didn’t work? women need to support to fight the situation, sometimes they stop in the middle of way.
  7. Was there any outside support that was vital to ensuring women’s engagement? If so, what can we learn from the timing, duration and how that support was given? By giving education in the small place/institution. 
  8. How can we ensure that the needs and views of the most marginalized are included?  we keep the way straight and together with them. 
Henri Myrttinen Moderator

Thank you @Erna Norkholida Hasan for sharing your experiences with us!


Dear Colleagues, many thanks for all of the super informative and useful comments and contributions on this critical topic. It's amazing to be part of this kind of sharing. I have waited until now to say anything because really I wanted to listen, and hear the kinds of things that local peacebuilders, and women, are managing to achieve in these extraordinary times. It is quite unbelievable, and many, many more people should be made aware.

We should celebrate the fact that now in 2020 nobody doubts the value and contribution local peacebuilding makes to peacebuilding efforts. It was not like this, not very long ago. Everybody is in agreement that while senior level political outcomes affect all of us, durable and sustainable forms of peace are entirely dependent on the efforts of local peacebuilders. We have shifted the debate to the point where we are talking about the quality of that contribution. How fitting it is, that it is here, that the inclusion of women should form the focus of our discussions.

I wanted to use this opportunity to talk about the key aspect of values in peacebuilding. This is not necessarily specifically a gender issue, nor is it confined to the realm of women and peacebuilding. But recognising that peacebuilding is a value based process, and that the politics of local peacebuilding lie in the values that are driving the local peacebuilding efforts, gives us a different perspective on what we mean by the politics of local peacebuilding.

My point is just that when women are included in processes, and when women run processes that involve men, the opportunity for emphasising and articulating that there are values underpinning the peacebuilding efforts can be made clearer. This is essentially political.

From the local peace committees being re-established in South Africa, to counter violence aimed at migrants, and to focus community protests, to the women building local capacities for peace in Syria, mediating local ceasefire agreements that allow for gathering food and medical access, and the groups of women in Myanmar, lingering after the official consultation process to talk to people about what the political changes really mean, and what spaces might be opening up that will really make a difference to peoples lives.

Women peacebuilders can add another, different, layer of human engagement into peacebuilding processes, and are all the more political in that they emphasise that in the end, peacebuilding is about setting up new systems and structures and finding new ways of doing things and relating to each other, that are essentially value based.  A lot of local peacebuilding, I think, is about agreeing and building new value-based ways of thinking, feeling and behaving. Engaging with the politics and the power of human relations, without getting embroiled in the politics of Party, can open up a whole new range of entry points.

Part of this, I think, is linked to the idea of building a culture of peace. In South Africa, in processes supported by the ACTION Support Centre, women have been a key part of enabling local peace committee structures to organise outside of the party political system, even in contexts where the space to do this is marginal. In Syria, under the leadership of Mobaderoon, women have enabled local processes where people sit and discuss across partisan lines, and find shared human interests that affirm their common humanity, even as the fighting continues. 

In my thinking it is not necessarily because women are part of these processes that the processes become value-based. But the assertion that women must be part of these processes, and that women bring something different to the processes, is in itself an acknowledgement that there are values at play, and that we need to be clear about the values we are building, and the future we are working towards.

In the realm of where values meet politics there is an important space for peacebuilding. And recognising the principle of inclusion and the essential involvement of both women and men, opens up this space, and gives women, and other marginalised groups, a chance to assert that which it is they are organising around. 

I want to acknowledge and appreciate the rich diversity of evidence and examples of the critical and transformative contribution women are making to local peacebuilding that I have had the opportunity to read through being part of this group. Thank you.

There are so many examples already provided in answer to the questions posed. But I wanted to pose a slightly different take, based on examples from my experience of working with women peacebuilders in Syria, Myanmar and South Africa. Please let me know if what I was trying to say did not come through as I intended, or indeed, if I missed the boat : )

Henri Myrttinen Moderator

Thank you Richard for your insights - great points!

Visaka Dharmadasa

Women are the key for local peace building efforts they are the ones who take the lead in these initiatives through out the world though formal processes are yet to include women. Women at the grassroots do have the knowledge and understanding and awareness of how the atmosphere of the community and the surroundings and if there is any difference any outsiders coming in they are the first to know, this makes women  the best first respondents as well to raise warnings and who has the ability to prevent conflicts. It is vital that these expertise are recognized and appreciated in order to prevent as well mitigate and resolve conflicts. The women in political decision making at the local level has a very good rapport with the people at the ground level and are respected as well trusted. This is a vital resource for maintaining peace in the societies.

Henri Myrttinen Moderator

Thank you, Visaka Dharmadasa, these are really key points which you have raised!

Klara Backman

Dear all,

I would like to share some learnings from The Kvinna till Kvinna Foundation. We work in partnership with over 150 women’s rights organisations in 20 countries affected by conflict. In 2019 we interviewed 91 women peacebuilders and women human rights defenders about their peacebuilding work and views on the successes and shortcomings of the WPS agenda, resulting in the report A Right Not A Gift – Women Building Feminist Peace.  

The findings from our conversations with women peacebuilders in Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Iraq, Syria and Ukraine, resulted in three sets of recommendations regarding women’s participation in peace processes and building feminist peace:
- 5 key shifts that need to happen to create a conducive environment for feminist peace
- 10 key elements to making peace processes more inclusive, investing in the excluded majority.
- 5 keys to making women’s participation meaningful beyond numbers


Investing in a conducive environment – 5 key shifts for feminist peace:

1. People’s priorities in focus

• Create a hotline to collect needs at the grassroots level that would not otherwise make it into the peacemaking table.

• Support local analysis groups.

• Invest in the national capital of gender-equal feminist mediators.

• Support regional committees for dialogue.

2. Adopt a coordinated approach to people’s and international diplomacy

• Multi-tracks of diplomacy is seen by WHRDs and women peacebuilders as a necessity for building sustainable peace. While agreements are signed in Track I, they are sustained in Track II and III.

• Recognise community organisers outside the usual NGO framework.

• Invest in and make use of the range of people’s diplomacy practices of women peacebuilders, including cultural diplomacy, intergenerational people-to-people meetings, individual visits across conflict lines and spaces for emotional empathy to broaden engagement for peace, cultivate common ground, and break isolation of both people and narratives.

• Invest in regional and international people-to-people mentorship. Local, regional and global women’s mediators’ networks are valuable resources for such mentorships.


3. Recognise the power in and of diverse spaces for change

• Invest in safe spaces for reflection and learning away from the pressure of delivering quick results – quality over quantity.

• Invest in women-only spaces that allow for non-mainstream perspectives and ideas to emerge, and offer a space for dissent from patriarchal ridicule, hegemony and exclusion.

• Pay attention to language as a space. The way we label issues, use words and frame questions are influenced by and influence the power dynamics in a conflict context.

• Use digital spaces to counteract shrinking physical space – as a space for shared experience, organising, protesting, and debate. Be aware of the algorithmic bias, which further discriminates who accesses what information and creates information bubbles.


4. Recognise education’s centrality for economic recovery

• Invest in access to education, it is key to enhance access to economic opportunities, participation in economic recovery, and contributions to building and sustaining peace.

• Invest in education reform in contexts where education is perceived as militarized – fueling grievences, stereotypes xenophopia and other antagonisms.


5. Approach accountability as a two-way process – enhance civil society’s independence

• Election monitoring. When authorities reject official monitoring missions, resort to shadow monitoring by the civil society. Listen to the grassroots.

• CSOs can have a monitoring role during conflict and during peace processes across thematic clusters. Introduce a regional “buddy system” of accountability, for prisoner exchanges, service delivery, etc.

• Invest in the legal and technical literacy of the accountability architecture in civil society, in order to maximise its impact. This is particularly important for CSOs working in areas that intersect with legal work, and working in response to victims and survivors.


10 key elements for investing in the capacities of people, focusing on inclusion, intersectionality and investing in local competence:

1. One size does not fit all. Inclusion modalities should be responsive to the specific context and provided where people and their needs are.

2. Language is power. Be mindful of the exclusionary or inclusive power of language, in terms of terminology, jargon, context suitability, etc.

3. Timing matters. The timing of bringing different groups together and of introducing topics can be detrimental to the engagement of people, and to progress.

4. Broaden the outreach to non-urban, non-central areas. Conflicts have different pockets of violence with different intensities. Work with pockets of peace and weave them together.

5. More people, different people. Develop a range of modalities geared towards the participation of different women, e.g with different mobility levels (due to travel bans, insecurity, disability, etc.)

6. Engage the diaspora in solution development while employing a Do No Harm approach. Capacities for conflict and peace are carried with people beyond the direct geography of conflict.

7. Actively engage youth by supporting them to develop their vision for the peace process and the future of their context with equal weight to other actors. Root this in research on the experience of young women peacebuilding practices, challenges, and support required, as well as better understanding of intergenerational dynamics.

8. Support inclusive leaders in formal and informal decision-making spaces. This includes political leadership, tribal leadership, community leadership to incentivise new political will to emerge.

9. Invest in political literacy, especially in contexts hit by political repression. E.g. invest in electoral literacy and informed voting as a foundational stone for democratic participation.

10. Invest in women’s capacities to be effective political actors and influencers at the peace table through responding to their expertise and providing technical support.


Five keys to increase women’s participation beyond numbers:

• Allocate an independent fund for women in peace processes. Recognise women’s political groups and make independent funds available for women’s political organising.

• Form a cross-sectoral thematic task force of women. Create spaces where women can collectively strategise on all issues, including in male-dominated sectors.

• Encourage a quota of ideas by women. Do not only measure the number of women included in a peace process, but their qualitative contribution.

• Document, collect, and recognise women’s data. Document women’s histories and put more emphasis on what women are doing on the local level to build and sustain peace.

Support networking and women’s rights movement building. Facilitate cross-sectoral networking of organisations, women business leaders, politicians, grassroots activists and labour unions. This is imperative to attain women’s rights in conflict contexts, without which sustaining peace will not be possible.

Henri Myrttinen Moderator

Thank you for sharing this excellent resource!

Manal Malaeb

مرحباً جميعاً
ان ظاهرة انتشار الجمعيات والمؤسسات التي تعنى بالشأن النسائي خاصة في لبنان لهي دليل على انتعاش رؤية مستقبلية لأهمية دور النسائي في انتاج عقلية نسائية تعمل على لعب دور في بناء السلام من حيث انشاء ولعب دور للحوار والتواصل وخاصة كمثال التواصل الداخلي الوطني (بين المواطنين اللبنانيين) او من خلال الحوار وتقبل الاخر (وخصوصاً النازحين).

وقد لعبت هذه الجمعيات على تشكيل بوثقه ثقافية في معرفة حقوق الافراد ما انعكس ايجابياً ولو بشكل صغير على النساء بشكل خاص، وقد برز ذألك من خلال زيادة نسبة الترشح للنساء في الاستحقاقات الانتخابية او من خلال مشاركتها في إعطاء رأيها في الوضع السياسي العالم للبلاد ومشاركتها بالتظاهرات الأخيرة ان بشكل فردي او عبر الجمعيات.

ومما لا شك ان في المجتمعات الريفية والمناطق البعيدة عن المدن تلعب الأعراف والتقاليد دور في الحد من هذه المشاركات وان كان هناك تفلت وانقلاب من قبل بعض النساء خاصة مع انتشار وسائل التواصل الاجتماعي وطرق جديدة لإيصال الصوت.
ولعل من معاناة التقوقع والخوف من الاخر نتج ما يسمى ب الحشرية لمعرفة الاخر ذألك الذي يحمل نفس المعاناة والمشاكل البيئة والسياسية والاقتصادية، كل ذلك جعل ثورة خلق ثقافة السلام تجد طريقها ولو متعثرة في بعض الأحيان.

وهنا لا بد من التشدد على الدور التوعي الذي تلعبه الجمعيات والمنظمات لخلف فرص التعرف وتقبل الاخر بخض النظر عن هذا الاختلاف حيث يجب التركيز على ان أي اختلاف لا يجب ان يؤدي الى خلاف وان انسانيتنا تتحقق من خلال إنسانية الاخر وان الاختلاف هو جوهر التكامل والتكافل فيما بيننا.
وأيضا يجب ان لا نغفل على ضرورة بسط مفهوم حقوق الانسان بكافة المعاير والعمل على التعريف بها لكافة اقطاب المجتمع والعمل على تطبيقها ومحاسبة المخالفين.


Belinda Hlatshwayo Moderator

Hi [~93574] ,

Thank you for sharing such rich inputs from Lebanon. It is interesting to find that women are galvanizing their economic and social capital to try and overcome exclusion in decision-making. You also noted that the issue of discriminatory social norms continues to be a hurdle towards meaningful inclusion in peacebuilding and decision-making at the local level. Please do share any examples where innovative techniques have been used - were they effective? If so, what was the element that prompted more inclusion of women in these leadership roles? If not, what went wrong, and what can we learn from these stories from the ground?

Any stories that you could share would be much appreciated.

Many thanks,


Dear All,

Many thanks for the invitation to participate to this important and very informative initiative! I will provide insight on some of the solutions found by UNDP Pakistan. I will develop on questions 1, 2 and 3 in this post and will develop on question 7 in a second post.

Question 1: Since 2017, the Decentralization, Human Rights and Local Government Project of UNDP Pakistan, with the support from the GMFA has been implementing its “Local Level Disengagement and Rehabilitation Program » (LLDR). The Program is focused on stabilizing communities through multipronged interventions for vulnerable and at-risk youth – and especially young women – in conflict/post conflict environment of the Swat district of the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Province, Pakistan.  Through the project UNDP, has been able to engage local women in the post conflict societal resilience and peace building process by connecting at risk women to local governments and other key community stakeholders – and, in the process, empowering them.

The Project interventions have worked because after the first phase of the project, UNDP conducted an exhaustive external assessment of the Project. The assessment indicated missing gaps in the model related to role of women both as peacebuilding actors as well as social enablers for community resilience. Evidence generated by the Assessment informed the subsequent 2nd and 3rd phases of the Project in Karachi and Multan. The added layer of gender-focused components strengthened Women-focused elements of the project, and improved the project’s impact on the local community, creating more space for women to play an expanded role in local peace building initiatives.

Question 2: Local Women community leaders/stakeholders who became part of the local level community oversight groups  formed under the LLDR project were able to use this community platform to increased their engagement with both communities as well as the Local Government stakeholders. This has led to an increase in the voice and agency of local women at the local level and their greater inclusion in the local political and peace building dialogues and processes.

Also, UNDP Pakistan established Gender Desks in the ex-Federally Administered Tribal Areas in partnership with GIZ and the Social Welfare Department of the Provincial Government of the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Province. These Gender Desks were instrumental in reaching the communities and giving voice to the concerns of local women within the local government structure. Though it was difficult for them to be accepted in governmental departments where women were traditionally excluded, they slowly managed to carve out their own space. As a direct result of this initiative, the Provincial Social Welfare Department replicated this initiative, and launched its first gender mainstreaming project in the area.

Question 3: The vocational training, employment and income generation and life skills components of the LLDR program are permanently changing the kind of opportunities offered and economic prospects for the local women. The inclusion of families and community members as part of the project has also created space for  women and an acceptance of a change in roles as well as in terms of women mobility. These changes are sustainable on the long term as the families/communities see the economic and social benefits from empowerment of women, which are shared across the whole community. (1/2)


Following my previous post, please find below some of UNDP Pakistan's insight on question 7:

Under Agenda 2030 and its ‘Leaving No One Behind’ principle, UNDP Pakistan has sought to strengthen the voice, visibility and agency of the most marginalised community in the country – namely the transgender persons, who have not been involved in any social or political decision making at any level before 2016-17 :

UNDP Pakistan in 2016 initiated nation-wide dialogue through consultative sessions inviting all stakeholders, including duty bearers, from various institutions such as law, justice, human rights, social welfare and civil society. These consultations led to the call for a legislative protection mechanism at the national level for transgender people. UNDP Pakistan supported the consultative process and provided technical assistance on the development of a protection bill for the transgender community in Pakistan, which culminated in the passing by the Parliament of the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act 2018.

Prior to the 2018 general elections, UNDP provided support to the All Pakistan Transgender Elections Network (APTEN) in organising a conference on political rights including voting and candidacy of transgender persons. The 2018 general elections had 13 transgender candidates contesting for various political offices across the country - a first in the country.

UNDP has since then continued the inclusion of transgender persons, and notably through:

  • Technical support in the development of a National Strategy on Transphobic Stigma and Discrimination, in consultation with the National Ministry of Health Services, Regulation and Coordination and the Ministry of Human Rights (MoHR). In addition, UNDP Pakistan has provided support to the MoHR in development of the Terms of Reference for the National Implementation Committee on the 2018 Act.
  • UNDP Pakistan is providing support to the MoHR in establishing the first ever Transgender Protection Centre in Islamabad. The pilot aims to provide transitional solutions to housing, food and psycho-social support and redressal of complaints through a helpline dedicated to transgender persons.
  • In parallel, UNDP Pakistan has rolled out a series of Training of Trainers (TOTs) for civil society activists, representatives of national and provincial rights-based institutions and most significantly, prominent transgender activists on human rights, stigma and discrimination and access to justice and service delivery, including health.
  • As a member of the Joint UN Team on HIV/AIDS (JUNTA) UNDP Pakistan has made concrete progress in highlighting the needs of the key population of transgender persons as a vulnerable, marginalised community that is highly susceptible to the disease due to poverty and social and economic exclusion. 
  • In the context of COVID-19, UNDP Pakistan has conducted a pilot rapid assessment on the impact of the pandemic on transgender persons living in the twin cities of Islamabad and Rawalpindi, which has highlighted both social and economic handicaps of an already disadvantaged group. The findings of the assessment reveal a dire need for immediate relief assistance in terms of living spaces, food items and hygiene kits which are unavailable to the transgender communities during the pandemic. (2/2)
Belinda Hlatshwayo Moderator

Dear @Cres 

Thank you for sharing these detailed examples from UNDP Pakistan. It is inspiring to see continued work in this area. Drawing from the rich inputs, please do share a comment on what worked and what did not in terms of the interventions. This will help guide our collective understanding on what is needed to accelerate implementation of WPS in local-level decision-making.


Many thanks,

Danning Wang

1. what good examples are there on women's local peacebuilding experience? why women can make difference? 

During the past five years, I have envolved in the Northeast Asian peacebuilding effort and the denuclearization process in Korea Penisula. I was able to witness how the focus on gender and youth can help peacebuilding at the local level. Active women from South Korea extended good will and peacebuilding effort in various activities to show their sincerety and dream of Korean unification and peacebuilding. When mothers, business women, female migrants and college students working together to form the voice, it was powerful. It was my great pleasure to witness the South Korean women worked with the DPRK officials and form dialogues. It was an unforgettable experience for me. As a college professor whose specialty is in gender and family studies, I also encourage more and more young college-educated female students to actively participate in the peacebuilding process. In the process, they could also benefit from raising a gender equality sense and understanding women's right in political, economic, social, and cultural arenas. 

2. how have women managed to be part of the decision making process in the post-conflict era? what impact would make? 

Gender issue and women's perspective are important in crisis management. In Northeast Asia where the traditional culture focused on the male dominance and patriarchy value system, having women participating in the decision making process became even more important. Women's rights in work place, family, and public world should be protected. During the first half of 2020, South Korea had the largest social protest in against women's privacy right was violated by the business world. Local ngos organized to protest and to fight for women's right. Also during the first half of the year, DPRK organized large social protest in fighting with the political propaganda organized by ngos from the south that using dirty pictures in humiliating the north. All of these events had the gender issue in the core and became the most political and social events in the peninsula. Having women's voice heard and having more women participating in the peace-building process became necessary. 

3. how do you prevent the return to traditional norms when conflict ends? 

Education and repeated education of the gender studies among the young population would help the spread of modern value system and prevent the return to the traditional norms. The cultural roots of male dominance and patriarchy system is deeply burried in nearly every aspects of daily life. Our studies back in 1999 aleady showed that in order to develop economy and increase the GDP, countries like South Korea were willing to maintain the traditional culture and to prioritize the econmic development first. Recent development of the legal effort in giving women more rights in terms of property ownership, heritage, divorce, more and more changes have been made. However, it is still not enough as the systematic studies showed. More education on gender studies and introductions of what happened in the other countries are helpful in culture changes. It will also give the young generation a chance to reflect, to compare, and to change. 

4. what role has creating a peace culture play?

Creating a peace culture is the essential for economic development and post-conflict recovery. Creating a peace culture is the basic necessity for further talks on social stability and well being of local population. The medical crisis created by the Covid-19 showed that only with peace culture, effective quaranteen could be organized and the virus transmission could be stopped. During the covid-19 time, Hong Kong SAR was suffering from frequent social protests, the USA exxperienced the nation wide BLM social movement, and in South Korea, religious groups kept on organizing large scale of gatherings. All of these were not compatible with the effective medical procedures in terms preventing the spread of the virus. Creating a peace culture offers the basic requirement for health issue and social stability issue. All of these became obvious during the covid-19 time. 

5. what examples are there of imaginative alternative in helping create a culture of peace? what works? what does not? 

During the covid-19 period, I published an article in Chinese to talk about from the anthropological point of view, how the virus itself as "the others" actually catalyzed the formation of something that President Xi Jinping of China has called for years on the formation of community of human destiny because the unknown virus pulled people around the world together in fighting for the human's survival. While countries are shuting down borders to protect their own populations, medical teams and WHO staff are working hard in different regions to help each other and to introduce the effective knowledge accumulated from one area to the other areas. All of these mutual help and assistance demonstrate the humanities worked well in the crisis management and brought different alternatives to help people survive. In this process, a culture of peace was also created. 

6. was there any outside support that was vital in ensuring women's engagement? 

Absolutely. During the covid-19 period, I was able to be part of the international online conferences organized by GPPAC and Global Peace Foundation. I was able to witness how different countries with different social economic levels suffered from the medical crisis in different ways. In some countries when poverty was the main issue that local residents could not even have enough resources to make daily life go through, we found women and children suffered from domestic violence and malnutrition. Later, because of the large scale of unemployment created by the lock-down of the neighborhoods and cities, these social problems became worse to the level that you can see women, children, and many other marginalized groups of people suffered most. In order to keep the social stabilities, organizing women with the leaders coming from the outside or those with knowledge and skills would absolutely help the local people in dealing with the social problems created by the medical crisis. 

7. how can we ensure the most marginalized social groups such as handicapped women, LGBT people, seniors, children are well protected? 

NGOs and self-organized social groups are critical in having people's need covered. In dealing withe massive crisis like the covid-19, we need to call collective effort in organizing people to work together and to help each other to survive the crisis together. Individual efforts could be powerless if they are not bonded together to form collective forces. Families, neighborhoods, ngos all need to work together to make sure members'needs are covered.     

Belinda Hlatshwayo Moderator

Dear [~93596] ,

Thank you for the wonderful set of inputs on inclusive governance at different levels. Please do share the link to the paper referred to in the comment. It would also be great to hear from you which interventions you felt were most effective at the local-level and why.

Many thanks,

Olenka Ochoa Berreteaga

In LAC Región and Perú one of the Main efforts was promote a new arquitecture of National and Local Goverment, to face the Gender discrimination, Violence and fortified rhe Women leaderships, remember that in some of our countries there we're Armed conflict, post conflict or Dictatorships. In local level from 1995 we were innovating in Municipalities, to stablised a local policy, services,Law and planning to confront the Violence in Urban and domestic places,  and promote the Women agenda. Also in National GOV we were developing iniatitaves : Law, services, instances, to institutionalization of Women rights ando Gender equity, including the security, Safety and peace