Discussion 3: Women, Peace and Security

SparkBlue Admin • 30 January 2019

tunis forum on gender equality flyer

Thank you for participating in this online consultation.The final set of recommendations which emerged from this theme at the Tunis Forum on Gender Equality can be found here.

Thank you to all the participants in the Tunis Forum on Gender Equality for your vibrant engagement on line and in person.

The final set of recommendations from the Forum can be found here.

This civil society driven report of recommendations from the Tunis Forum will be sent to the Secretariat of the Beijing +25 process to inform the substantive preparations for the report of the Secretary-General on the Review and Appraisal of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action to be submitted to the Commission on the Status of Women (CSW64) in March 2020. It will also inform the substantive preparations for the 20th anniversary of Security Council resolution on Women, Peace and Security, to be held in 2020.

The Tunis Forum is a critical part of the civil society mobilization of Generation Equality, ‘Beijing+25: Celebrating 25 years of championing women’s rights’, which - with several other convenings, including Women Deliver 2019, and others through 2019 and 2020 - will continue to bring together the next generations of women’s rights activists with the gender equality advocates and visionaries who were instrumental in creating the Beijing Platform for Action more than two decades ago, to collectively demand all stakeholders to tackle the unfinished business of empowering women, ensuring gender equality and realizing women’s rights for an equal future.

It is our pleasure to welcome you to the on-line discussion on the Tunis Forum on Gender Equality 2019. This e-Discussion will take place from 1 – 28 February 2019. This consultation provides an opportunity for all those interested in gender equality to influence the agenda of the Tunis Forum and contribute to the global debate for 2019 and 2020.

The Tunisia forum will be a follow up to the Stockholm Forum held in April 2018. The focus in Tunisia will be on reclaiming the gender agenda before Beijing +25. We will be looking for the key participation of women and men under 35 who can help frame priorities for the future.  Nearly 20 years after the adoption of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325, with seven subsequent resolutions highlighting key issues such as Sexual Violence in Conflict, nevertheless, progress has been slow: of 1,500 agreements signed between 2000 and 2016, only 25 raise the role of women’s engagement in the implementation phase.  More inclusive peace agreements is only one part of the many changes needed.

To take this discussion forward, we propose the following two questions:

  1. What have been the successes of UNSCR 1325 and subsequent resolutions on Women, Peace and Security?  
  2. What could help give civil society more ownership of the WPS agenda?
  3. How could reporting on CEDAW be used more effectively to link with UNSCR 1325?


Remember, those who are particularly engaged in the online consultation may also receive an invitation to attend in person. If you would like to recommend individuals, preferably from different areas of society, who would be relevant and interested in being invited to the Tunis Forum, please visit use this form (the deadline is 20th February 2019).

We look forward to a lively and engaged discussion. 

1 Feb 2019 - 27 Feb 2019

Comments (80)

SparkBlue Admin

Thank you for participating in this online consultation.The final set of recommendations which emerged from this theme at the Tunis Forum on Gender Equality can be found here.

Stacey Schamber Moderator

Greetings everyone!

My name is Stacey and I work as a Senior Project Officer with the International Civil Society Action Network (ICAN). I'm delighted to co-moderate this online discussion with Barbora and Laila. We know that women's participation is critical for sustainable peace and security. What have been the successes and challenges with the implementation of UNSCR 1325? What needs to change to elevate the role of civil society organizations? How do we safeguard and build upon CEDAW and other international frameworks? 

We will summarize and share all of your feedback to inform the Tunis Forum on Gender Equality. So I welcome your thoughts and look forward to hearing from you!



Barbora Galvankova Moderator

Thank you, everyone, for taking the time to participate in this e-discussion and share experiences, expertise and recommendations.

The UNSCR 1325 and subsequent resolutions have been instrumental to the advancement of the women’s peace and security agenda and have raised government and public attention of the issue of women’s contribution to conflict resolution, peace and security and has modeled the implementation practices and alignment in critical areas of action- participation, protection, justice, peace-keeping, peace-building and prevention.

Although progress has been made, the issues of women’s underrepresentation in decision-making, their insufficient involvement in peace processes, conflict prevention and sexual and gender-based violence persist.

This is because the gaps continue to exist in the implementation of the commitments and there are numerous limitations related to the framing of the resolution. The mismatch between the expected promise and the reality of Resolution 1325 is what led the contributors' reflections this week.  Here are a few key points, that I believe can be further addressed in the following weeks and during the Tunis Forum.

  • Work on security, peacebuilding and conflict prevention outside of confinement of the conflict or conflict response- which will have implication on broader policy formulation and engagement of women in the priority areas of the resolution 1325
  • Invest in gender-responsive security and justice sector reforms as a long-term investment for sustaining peace
  • Work on gender equality and women’s empowerment agenda as a key predeterminant to sustaining peace and ensuring the security.
  • Contextualize the approach to peacebuilding with the emphasis on prevention- with focus on gender, power relations and how it determines the peace-building and conflict-prevention processes.
  • Model the activities around gender as a social construct rather than women solely while focus on women in absolutely necessary – the work on gender dynamics is critical to address the shortcomings in the implementation of the WPS agenda.


Women’s participation in peace process is very much tied to their capacity to mobilize, organize and advocate. Lesson from the South Sudan Peace Process in 2015 and recently in 2018 has shown that women civil society organization are able to influence more when they are organized in coalitions as opposed to individual CSO representing different women constituency. Important also it build capacity of women in lobbying and advocacy as these are important tools while engaging in peace process either as part of the round table discussions or along the corridors during the negotiation process. Identifying among the women influencers-- those with capacity to influence or be listened to by the male who dominate the peace process is important. It could be young women or even older women who are respected among the political divides.  Also important is for women to prepare for the peace process, build consensus on the different positions, and even if all the women cannot agree on each issue as is expected, it is useful not to undermine each other in the process and thus, the necessity to have common issues.

But resources must be at the disposal of women to quickly organize. Mobilising resources to enable women engage in the peace process makes women loose valuable time they could be involved in substantive preparation for the process. This was the case in South Sudan where peace negotiation was taking place outside the country. Without resources it took much longer to get the women moving.

But women’s participation in peace process is also tied to their capacity to engage in political processes as vehicles to decision making. If women do not have voices in the right places, it is difficult to influence. The experience of South Sudan has shown that elite peace negotiations do not include many women because majority of the women are not in political parties, they are not involved in civic engagement at local or national level fully and thus, they do not have a ‘party ’to represent them. More women need to be engaged in political process especially at the local level.

Women economic empowerment is intricately tied to women involvement in peace processes as well as decision making. At the local level, women with resources are respected, they can influence communities and they have currency to challenge the status quo. Women economic empowerment then is not an end but a means (also) to secure women positions in decision making.



My name is Ahmed , Im Egyptian ,PhD in political science , works as security advisor for counter terrorism Ops at Nigerian Forces , Security Advisor At international police commission ( UN ECOSOC / UN DESA consultative status roster / NATO Reg. ) and security advisor with international advisory Team for security sector reform SSR and equality gender issue at Geneva democratic control on armed forces - DCAF . 

Before talking about the questions mentioned where the points of discussion must be presented some things first . 

What women are about peace and security. , peace and security are not about women's security , but about relying on the views and talents of the entire population to build security processes and institutions that better represent their diverse populations. The growing situation of discussion on this is clear: when women participate purposefully in peace and security operations, from cease-fire and peace processes to national dialogue and constitutional reform, the resulting results are more effective and lasting.
Some countries are not in the midst of peace reform or the constitution, but conflict prevention is the most neglected and difficult part of security. Often, the international community is only aware of the conflict after it has turned violent. Often, we resort to women to help stabilize a country only after the killing begins. What if the state invested its entire population in its stability and prosperity before the outbreak of violence on a large scale? Both points and practice are weak, but according to some studies over four decades of international crises, the increase of women in parliament in some countries makes countries less likely to use force in crises five times. Thus, the more women in Parliament, the less likely a State to carry out human rights violations, including political imprisonment, torture, murder and disappearances. Whatever the strategic importance of the Government on women and peace and security is welcome, if it does not identify a path towards comprehensive internal security, States should do so ..

* Gender equality is an integral part of Security Sector Reform:

- effective implementation of local justice and security through representation and participation
- Accountability for the elimination of human rights violations                     - Accountability for creating a healthy and non-discriminatory working environment
** Why gender is important for security sector reform ?

- Protection against gender-based violence (security And justice for everyone's commitments on violence against Women and girls)
- Promote the full and equal participation of men and women (in security and decision-making processes - formal and informal, local and national - in security services Institutions)
** Building trust in security institutions (reform culturesTolerance of abuse - making the security sector reform process inclusive)
** Strengthening governance and security accountability Institutions (supporting civil society monitoring - ensuring that violence against women and girls are treated seriously) ..

Barbora Galvankova Moderator

Dear Ahmed, thank you for your contribution. 

You are raising here a very important point women's participation in decision-making, also a key aspect of the UNSCR 1325 and of critical importance for the conflict prevention. 

However, since the adoption of the resolution, women's participation in peacebuilding has seen only small progress far from the objectives set, partially to the inherit insufficient women's participation in political decision- making.  In many contexts, it is difficult to overcome this inherent barrier.  I was wondering if you could share your ideas and examples form your research and work on ways to garner ownership and partnership on WPS agenda across political lines including involving men. thanks !


Barbora Galvankova  Dear Ms/ Mrs Barbora : that is right .. and we can working on these points for more supporting like :

Based on my extensive experience in supporting peace and 

processes, i would flag the following challenges for 

of women in formal peace talks:

• Lack of women in senior decision-making roles. Women’s

general political participation is an issue; women are often not

included in peace talks because they are missing from key 

posts, particularly those relating to peace and security.

• The narrow base of participation in peace negotiations.

Formal peace talks are often essentially elitist processes that prioritize the participation of combatants above a more 

representation of society .

• Social norms. Women’s participation is hindered by men’s 

women´s perceptions about women’s place in society and in public life.

• Practical issues. Women are often restricted in their ability to

participate in peace talks because of their limited economic 

competing demands on their time .

• Lack of experience of formal political engagement and advocacy.

It is important to note here that what is needed to support 

participation in peace processes varies from one context to 

of factors that have been identified in practice include women 

support for further education, organizational and advocacy 

addressing structural barriers such as resistance to women’s 

the burden of unpaid care, and lack of access to resources. To 

what support is appropriate, solid gender analysis of the 

should be undertaken . 

- Inclusive peace processes

“Women are key – unrest affects them very deeply and if they 

peace processes things that affect them specifically can be tabled as well …

in peace processes. We need new ideas and fresh perspectives.”

Peace negotiations often overshadow the importance of 

 democratic deliberation and decision-making processes 

least as relevant, and yet tend to be considered only of secondary importance.

Practice has shown time and again that a peace agreement 

implemented without broader ownership in society; and that 

address structural and cultural violence need to develop 

negotiating table.

A fundamental shift is needed to balance the asymmetry 

relevance of formal peace negotiations between armed 

broader peacebuilding exercise that needs to include society 

addition to providing opportunities for a broader range of 

to be represented in formal peace talks, there is a need to:

• Reduce the expectations placed on peace negotiations (e.g. 

primary emphasis on ending armed hostilities) so that greater 

and momentum can be generated for initiatives beyond the 

table to decide how to transform or rebuild society.

• Democratize the peace process – identify and acknowledge 

of formal and informal efforts, at multiple levels of society, 

contribute to sustainable peace;

• Encourage a shift from the hierarchy of peace ‘tracks’ to

interconnected, complementary and diverse paths to peace – 

ways to link negotiations and official talks with unofficial 

may take place primarily at civil society level; 


Red Elephant Foundation

Sharing an article that our founder wrote, which seems appropriate here:


The Resolution is the first official document from the Security Council dealing specifically with the confluence of conflict and gender issues. Although in many nation states conflict has continued largely unabated and the state of women in conflict zones remains a matter of grave concern, the Resolution is still noteworthy for stimulating sustainable attempts at change and opening the door for what we know today as the Women Peace and Security Agenda.

What did Security Council Resolution 1325 say?

The Resolution looked at issues challenging women in wartime, and the need to involve women in the process of post-war transition. It looked at the importance of bringing women to the negotiation table – which was a powerful policy translation of Hillary Clinton’s words in Beijing – “Women’s Rights are Human Rights”.[1]

Its key elements comprise:

  • Recognition of the contribution of women to peace-building and conflict resolution;
  • Calls for increased participation of women at all levels – national, regional and international – in conflict prevention and resolution;
  • Recognition and enumeration of the myriad gendered causes and consequences of war;
  • Calls for the protection of women’s rights, preventing gender-based violence against women and girls and other violations of international law;
  • Calls upon local level actors, states that are parties to the UN and the UN and its organs and agencies to adopt a gendered perspective in peace operations, conflict resolution, conflict management and peacekeeping programs.

Resolution 1325 sparked off many augmenting instruments that built on its core terms, adding to it with specific, targeted elements.[2]

The success story

Although there is certainly enough cause for concern in so far as women’s rights and protection on a conflict front are concerned, the Resolution has signalled progress to some extent. Resolution 1325 was the first time that the Security Council looked at the experiences of women in war and post-war situations, and their critical role in the process of reconstructing societies after war.

A derivative of the core themes of international human rights and humanitarian law, the Resolution was an offshoot of specific documents addressing women’s rights,[3] blending with the work of women’s organisations all over the world, looking at the pressing concerns of gender and development in conflict.[4] Aside from the obvious fact that the Resolution addressed issues that challenged and continue to challenge women in conflict, it was doubly creditworthy for the language it employed in addressing women. It looked at women as being a community stakeholder, and not a victim or in need of protection – while the need for protection was stressed. To this end, there was a body of feminist perspectives on conflict-related policy-making and women’s peace activism. What the Resolution did was to open-up critical dialogue on the state of affairs pertaining to women’s issues in conflict.

In the run up to Resolution 1325, there was seldom dialogue that specifically acknowledged and addressed the state of women in conflict. For instance, the occurrence of sexual violence during the Holocaust was not acknowledged or documented, but subsisted. Security Council Resolution 1325 helped shift the understanding of conflict-related sexual violence as being a war strategy, or war weapon, rather than as a by-product of war. In so recognising the crime for what it is, the Resolution recognised the significant role of women in society, both in peace and in war, and in negotiating the transition from one to the other.

The creation of pluralistic comprehensions of the experiences of women in conflict also acknowledged the universality of gender-based violence in conflict – regardless of what the nature of the conflict was, the genesis of the conflict lay in, and regardless of where the conflict took place. This broke the silence around the cultural salience that some societies attributed to themselves to cloak the occurrence of sexual violence in conflict. The purported belief in the “purity” of the perpetrators was often used as the rationale for not recording and documenting sexual violence. Communities that carried out acts of sexual violence and rape on enemy women did not want to associate themselves with their crime, lest they be considered “impure” for violating the enemy, lest word get out of impregnating an enemy. On the side of those subjected to violence, the culture of silence, honour and the severe disrespect of their defilement prevented speaking out and documenting sexual violence in conflict. In the process, a culture of victimhood prevailed – where women who were subjected to violence found themselves in difficult positions vis-à-vis their home societies – either not being accepted back into their families because of the “defilement” or the ostracism that comes from a post-war society that slips right back into a state of violence – where fresh waves of violence worsen their condition.[5]

On the legislative front, Resolution 1325 was instrumental in creating domestic legislation that specifically addresses elements under 1325 – such as Colombia, Israel and Liberia, where women were involved in successfully demanding the passage of legislation addressing the state of women in conflict and in brokering peace.[6]

Back to the drawing board

Even as Resolution 1325 acknowledges a very clear structure with respect to integrating women in the world of peace negotiations, post-war reconstruction and in addressing women’s rights in a conflict setting, there were apparent loopholes that continue to require attention. In the upcoming review of the Resolution, these limitations need to be looked at critically.

Primarily, Resolution 1325 suffers from the very anomaly that any generic legislation that addresses a diverse social group suffers from: an overarching umbrella strategy for many subgroups with divergent elements that make a one-size-fits-all approach insufficient. The problem in translation to analysis and policy has been the perception that sexual violence is a war strategy and must be addressed that way – but the fact of the matter remains that conflict-related sexual violence is a combination of several factors and nuances, of which war strategising is only one. A critical look at how the Resolution can be made in order to approach the nuanced issue with a wide and pragmatic lens to address different conflicts with a specific approach.[7] There is also an urgent need to re-envisage the manner of understanding gender as a social construct, and how it is politicised in the context of a conflict – factors which do contribute to conflict-related sexual violence.

Second, the confinement of Resolution 1325 to the domain of armed conflict looks at armed conflict in isolation of the state of affairs in peacetime. Sexual violence occurs in a peacetime and wartime continuum, with the amplification in the latter context. The backdrop that peacetime provides for sexual violence is built into the structure of societies – manifesting in the form of structural violence. Structural violence has tremendous implications for conflict-related sexual violence, and can, to some extent (not in isolation of, but rather in conjunction with, other factors) explain conflict-related sexual violence.

Third, the renewed look at the Resolution should be centred around gender, rather than around women alone. While it is understandable that sexual violence against women is indeed a cause for concern, the ignorance of men as targets on the one hand, and the exclusion of men in the rhetoric, policy and legislation addressing war-related sexual violence have contributed to the inability to address the issue. This lack of inclusion has become reason for men not to engage. Sometimes, this culminates in the classification of the issue as an element of “women’s agenda”, which isolates the issue from the big picture. The end result, therefore, has been piecemeal strategizing.

Another issue that Resolution 1325 brings up is that it has not looked at the structure of the international security domain – i.e., the units in charge of handling conflict and implementing peace in war zones. The security sector has an inherent military masculinity quotient that is either ignored or not taken into account as it rightfully should, in order for a wholesome approach to the prevalence of sexual violence. In the process, there is an obvious exclusion of the presence of machinery to address sexual violence in conflict – what it does, instead, is to confuse the capacity to act or question with the structural machinery that should address such issues.

Finally, there has been an inherent oversight in the distinction between the kinds of armed conflict – internal and international. The distinction, like in humanitarian law, matters significantly because the nature of sexual violence changes in both contexts. Going back to the explanation of the occurrence of sexual violence in a peace- and war-time continuum, it is important to understand that sexual violence in an internal armed conflict is often fed into by many cultural, social and national factors that all constitute structural violence. In international armed conflicts, on the other hand, the perpetration of sexual violence is both by the external enemy and internal actors. The explanation of the external infliction of sexual violence in an international armed conflict goes back to the explanations of imposition of dominance, the imposed military masculinities of violence and the aim of destroying the enemy society. While this is indeed an explanation, it is only the tip of an iceberg that deserves deeper introspection.

The concept of sexual violence needs to be thought of in a more pragmatic dimension, rather than on a rhetorical tangent. Resolution 1325 opened the dialogue. We’ve warmed up to it: it’s time to bring on the real conversations.


  1. Anderlini, S.N and J. Tirman (2010) “What the Women Say : Participation and UNSCR 1325 : A Case Study Assessment.” International Civil Society Action Network and the MIT Center for International Studies.
  2. See UNSCRs 1820 (2008), 1888 (2009), 1889 (2009) and 1960 (2010).
  3. Declaration of the Elimination of Violence Against Women (1993); the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action (1995); and the Windhoek Declaration and Namibia Plan of Action (2000)
  4. Pratt, N & Richter-Devroe, S. (2011) “Critically Examining UNSCR 1325 on Women, Peace and Security” International Feminist Journal of Politics, 13:4, 489-503
  5. Shepherd, L.J. (2011) Sex, Security and Superhero(in)es: From 1325 to 1820 and BeyondInternational Feminist Journal of Politics, 13:4 pp504-521
  6. Anderlini, S.N and J. Tirman (2010) “What the Women Say : Participation and UNSCR 1325 : A Case Study Assessment.” International Civil Society Action Network and the MIT Center for International Studies.
  7. Caprioli, M. (2005) “Primed for Violence: The Role of Gender Inequality in Predicting Internal Conflict” in International Studies Quarterly 49(2) pp 161-178
Barbora Galvankova Moderator

Dear Red Elephant Foundation, Thanks for sharing the article ! The analysis of the shortages identified through the implementation of the Resolution to some extent related to the weak accountability mechanism for the implementation of the resolution and related NAPs. It would be good to have your views on the role the civil society should / could play in addressing those shortages and in what ways? 

thanks in advance, 


Mbuh Raphael Mbuh

Gender equality is not about making women equal to men. The two are different and shall never be equal. It is about creating equal opportunities and rights for both men and women. A woman most still remain submissive and subjective to her husband.


I think equity and equality needs to be defined and people should draw the line. Having equal opportunity while you are not at par does not translate to being equal in any way. There is need for clarity. Equality means having equal share which might not translate to having the same opportunity.

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Abdul Rahman Kays

Good afternoon As a Regional Executive Director for  West Africa Youth Network for Peace , Education and Economic Development with the acronym called WAYNPEED- SL located in Sierra Leone our Vision as a Youth base Organization encompasses gender related issues , the protection and Economic Right of Women, Girls across the Globe and Sub Saharan is our perspective, as  aYouth Lead CSO . Last Year 2018 we launch a programs called " (WEN) which is Women's Economic Network, this is a forum were women are empowered with key financial Inclusion Skills strengthen their Entrepreneurial Skill , Sierra Leone population is approximately 7,5 Milns from our last census of which  60% of the population are women,the vast majority of the them are Rural and Urban Entrepreneurs.

Providing Financial Sustainability and access to Rural financing is still a challenge 

Abdul Rahman Kays

Women's Economic Network (WEN) held a meeting  in the southern district of Sierra Leone on the theme " Women in Peace building lesson learnt and Experience Sharing " some of the key issues identify Sexual and Gender Based violence  is Rape even though we have enacted gender laws as a country on rights and protection of women and girls however women are still vulnerable to systematic violation s and abuses including sexual Penetration's on  girls. We have establish local community monitors across communities identify for prone cases in other to provide feedback on cases of rape and sexual assault 

Barbora Galvankova Moderator

Dear Abdul Rahman  Kays, 

thank you for sharing the example of the work of Women's Economic Network. Indeed economic empowerment of women is tied to the socio-economic security of societies. You mention, widely recognized issue of insufficient implementation of existing policies which enables the perpetuation of impunity and violation and abuses. Could you please provide more details  from your experience what could be done to enable the civil society actors to get more ownership and greater accountability for the fulfilment of WPS agenda. 



Abdul Rahman Kays


Dear Barbora 

I will  Provide some of the Suggestion requested on the issues raised i have tryed to expand on this issues below ,but  however Today Governmental Of Sierra Leone as Declare a National;Emergency on Sexual Penetration of a Child Minors (Rape) is a Punishable by   "Life Imprisonment" this is a great news to gender activist in Sierra Leone, and a relief to Rape Victim whom for over a period of time have been calling for punitive measures to protect Minors(Girls 0-17 years) across the nation of Sierra Leone. CSOs like ours continue tend to  seek for More Support ( Socio-Economic, Technical, and other Related Support to women and girls across Nation of Sierra Leone )to Continually Promote Gender related Issue in far reaching Rural Communities.

Technical Support 

  • Provide Capacity building training Support on family related issues(Child care support) With special reference to communities were perpetrators of Rape are tend to be relatives of the Victims) to avoid any form of community settlement on Rape matters related to Minors(0-17).
  • Strengthen Family Support Units (FSU) and the newly enacted special Sexual Gender Base Violence (SGBV) Unit of the Sierra Leone Police.
  • Provide Effective DNA Testing Center for the identification of perpetrators (Semen) during the process of cross examine evidence during court procedures.

Social  and Economic Support to Rape Victim

Provide Economic Support to rape victim and thier Immediate families through our project the" Women Economic Network" (WEN),

  • the support is process by which some of the family members of the rape victim,may tend to leave thier current location or residence to an other residence or location for safety purpose lack of Economic support to this victims is a predicament to family members especially when the perpetrator is an establish  or affullent  person in the Community.
  • Provide Medical and other Social support care to Women and Girls in the Rural Communities 
  • Provide Monthly feedback on the Skills Support financing to Women across communities
Barbora Galvankova Moderator

Dear Abdul Rahman Kays . 

Thank you those are type of recommendations we are looking for. 




[~55293] I Also feel that there is need for inclusion of men in all these strategies so that we do niot continue to deal with such cases. Strengtherning men's comprehension of rape and its effects help creating a good enviroment for a sustainable rape free world. On the Actor in the Civil Society include men' organisation.

Abdul Rahman Kays

Dear Oliver  

You are perfectly right Men must be part of the entire agenda for social Change

Rocco Santoro

The anniversary of Beijing Declaration is the best occasion for understanding what international community has done and what it would have to do. The BD consists of 12 areas of concerns that are developped in 52 strategic objectives. It implies a serious analysis for each strategic objective locally determined and the overall outcome achieved. Nevertheless it is an urgent fact that has overhauled the scenario: the process of withdrawing from the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty of US (the incipit) and Russia (the answer). This is the most evident insight that the global governance has still ruled by the dialectic of the menace and the viril exhibition of the power. The point 28 of the BD is ignored and it shows the best representation that 20 years after BD any achievements could be neglected by the decisions of Masculine Chiefs of the Strongest Military Forces in the World.  This event should be worth an extraordinary action of the worlwide women movement at any level for a globally answer coherent with the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW). It is urgent for the destiny of the Human kind.

Dasa Silovic

Dear Colleagues,

I am Dasha Silovic, Chair of the Central and Eastern Network for Gender Issues. I have previously been with the International Peace Institute (New York), Senior Gender Advisor at UNDP New York and subsequently UNDP Senior Development Coordination Adviser also at New York. Currently, I am, among other things, on the Steering Committee of the NATO Civil Society Advisory Panel on Women and Peace (reoslution 1325).

We are a regional network of women and men politicians engaged in transforming politics through a gender lens. In our twenty five years of existence we have promoted the goals of Beijing, implementation of CEDAW and done the first gender analysis of the Dayton Peace Accords.

I am happy to join this discussion from the perspective of our lessons learnt and current preoccupations.

In many respects as a result of the unfortunate conflict in the Balkans UN SC res. 1325 has come to being.  It has been a historic resolution and a civilisational milestone. Much has been done and many processes have been moved in the interest of women in conflict, post-conflict and peacebuilding.

However, I think we should go further and push the bounderies. Dr Ahmed has raised some issues. The CEE Network considers the issues of peace and security as an integral part of the Beijing objectives and not a stand alone. Today, when we are confronted with instability, protracted and potential conflicts we cannot be reactive but rather proactive and use 1325 as a lessons learnt from conception to its implementation.

The world needs a women's clear political, and not only humanitarian,response to wars, war mongering, simmering conflicts and focus on conflict prevention, early warning signs, as well as what protracted crisis (e.g. Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, Kosovo...) mean for them. We have seen that unless women are included, on an equal footing, in decision making on war and peace, on security and human rights, 1325 cannot be fully implemented.

Our concern now is security - how can women have security if their status is challenged (re: "backlash" or regression on gender equality), if they are not at the table when key decisions are made. And security is much more than just war, conflict or the aftermath of a conflict. It is social security, economic security, the protection of human rights the right to development for all, the SDGs.

And today we see that women's human rights, as well as human rights in general, are under  siege in spite of historical achievements and progress we have made in the last one hundred years. That is why we are going to focus in our upcoming think tank discussions on early warning signs - social and economic instability in environments of extreme right, nationalism, border disputes, repudiation of minority rights which all give rise to societal and family violence, especially against women. In the Balkans violence against women is on the rise (re: recent European Parliament study and resolution on the same). The governments do not see as a social evil or attack on women's human rights but as indivdual issues. But these are signs of "sick" societies where democracy and human rights are weak, legislation not implemented and potential conflicts, even regional wars, lurking in the background.

Our further work on 1325 and in the review of Beijing +25 cannot be static. Gender equality is a social construct, a dynamic phenomenon and not in isolation from our daily reality. After all this is what UN SC resolution 1325 has taught us. This is what we have learnt by our women leaders of the early twentieth century.

Barbora Galvankova Moderator

Dear Dasa, 

Thanks for jumping into the discussion. If you had to highlight main takeaways on the use of the UNSCR 1325, in particular as a mechanism for resolution of the conflicts and prevention of violence. Looking back at lessons learned what would be your three key recommendations to adress existing shortages. 



Nadège Chell

Plus de femmes pour la paix, la sécurité dans des zones de conflits et post-conflits avec des formations locales, nationales et internationales mettant « la puissance, la personnalité et l'influence des femmes au cœur des processus engagés ». D'où la nécessité de comprendre préalablement la culture et le rôle des femmes de tous les milieux « médiatrices et intermédiaires des conflits et des générations », domaine des anthropologues politiques engagés sur le terrain d’action des régions à égalité d’interlocuteurs et au cœur des débats internationaux.

Faire une thèse sur le domaine est inédit car il s’agit de relier la philosophie des institutions internationales et des droits humains à la réalité quotidienne des concernés et concernées et surtout de mieux comprendre de l’intérieur les conflits générationnels à égalité d'interlocuteurs. Eviter les soulèvements, c’est préalablement comprendre que l’Afrique a une population de jeunes de plus en plus nombreuse et précaire et surtout des femmes puissantes que l’histoire occidentale a oubliée et rendues invisibles. Elles sont aujourd’hui et surtout depuis 2014, au cœur des décisions internationales et il nous faut encourager plus de femmes maires car ce sont elles les plus proches des populations et qui comprennent de l’intérieur ce qui se passe et qui peuvent gérer les médiations et les ententes des différentes ethnies et aider les jeunes. La survie économique et l’entente sociale faciliteront les reconstructions nationales, comme au Mali ou dans d’autre pays autant en Afrique de l’Ouest, de Est et du Nord et éviter le chaos. A-t-on tout fait pour sauver le Mali, où des gens fuient pour vivre aujourd’hui sur les détritus de la capitale. Le Mali comme de nombreux pays africains sont des pays riches avec le paradoxe de populations de plus en plus pauvres, où va-t-on ? Sans entrer dans le débat politique, les nouvelles générations doivent être formées et je pense que la résolution des Nations Unies 1225 Pékin + 25 nécessite d’intégrer les femmes leaders africaines et leurs propositions inédites Heureusement l’Afrique générationnelle et les femmes se réveillent, c’est l’avantage de notre siècle et des avancements depuis Pékin de 1995 d’où l’importance de colloques internationaux comme celui de Tunis

John Ede

Hello Everyone, thank you for the opportunity to join this consultation.

As a field practitioner with over 15 years experience in driving community development programs in Nigeria, am concerned at the fact that consultations like this to talk about the women and girls don't reach the people to have them make their contributions.

Let me ask, how many women in the grassroots or rural communities were consulted before 1325, and how many of them know the content or can use the 1325 to their advantage.

Nigeria for instance still retains its traditional fabrics, except recently when things are beginning to improve with more women voices and participation in decision making. In the council of elders, women are not permitted except in certain cases, sadly, women are worst hit by humanitarian emergencies. 

I have advocated that more men willing to speak and stand for the rights of women should be recruited so they can advocate for the women while women are been groomed in advocacy and rights presentation.

Also, we can leverage on the strength and coverage of the religious and traditional institutions to help teach, and train women on 1325, because, most African tradition respect from religious and traditional institutions and this highly revered institutions can help give credence to the voice of the women.

I strongly believe and advocate for the inclusion of women in decision making process and increased participation in governance and this will help us achieve local, national and regional security for all of us.

Ani Zonneveld

I agree John, more men need to come out and speak up publicly in support of women's rights. Through our initiative #ImamsForShe we work with feminist male imams in giving sermons for women and girls rights, and we also have a weekly radio show by an imam called La Femme en Islam that reaches almost 10 million listeners a week. 

John Ede

[~55550] Great job you are doing Ann, and I salute your courage to sail in this terrain. 

I am happy to provide a voice for the un-heard women, because i strongly believe that there is so much to learn from women locally and globally, lessons that can help shape the future of peace and security while alleviating human suffering build local economies, and develop humanity. 


Dear all,

I am jumping into this conversation to share with you the first ideas that come to my mind when I hear or read Women, Peace and Security, UNSCR 1325 and relevant issues.

I think that it is important to visit again the concept of PEACE. Peace is very contextualized, and based on each group's experience. Peace for a refugee woman is different that for an immigrant, different than for another in another context. The concept of Peace is not one. When we want to "make Peace" we need to understand which Peace? Peace for whom? How Peace is a solution for an specific group? Peace from what?..... and more questions which will help us see the relevance of Peace to the relevant group.

In addition, UNSCR 1325 has been given much more attention and focus than it can take. This resolution is a guideline, and can't be relevant to all contexts. This resolution should not be given that much of attention as it has been given. Instead, the focus should be in understanding more the realities, needs, vision and position of those we would like the resolution to be used.

CEDAW and UNSCR 1325 are linked and the resolution is a pre-requisite for the enjoyment of CEDAW, at the same time enjoyment of CEDAW can be fulfilled without the existence of the resolution if and only if political will exists.

Barbora Galvankova Moderator

Dear Soraida, 

Many thanks for your contributions, would be extremely interesting having your ideas and recommendations on how we could use CEDAW reporting to address the issues related with the shortages of the UNSCR 1325 you are mentioning. 

Many thanks in advance, 


Nadège Chell

Bravo Soraida pour ce commentaire.

En effet en tant qu'anthropologue ayant beaucoup travaillé sur des terrains particuliers comme au Mali ou au Burkina Faso, il y  des résolutions qui doivent être accompagnées de volonté politique et j'adhère complètement à votre commentaire, mais il faut aussi écouter la voix des concerné(es) et des femmes en particulier qui sont les vrais médiateurs de la paix et la sécurité et l'espoir pour les générations avenir  (thème de ma thèse). La volonté politique ne concerne pas que les dirigeants mais elle doit être appliquée au sens philosophique du terme à tous, à savoir écouter la voix dans chaque contexte, adapter des recommandation à chaque milieu et surtout mieux comprendre les préoccupations spécifiques de chacun à égalité d'interlocuteurs. Les scientifiques et intermédiaires engagés comme nous tous de la société civile devront prendre en compte les particularismes de chacun milieu et les intégrer pour faire avancer le débat. Tous ces échanges sont déjà très producteurs de nouvelles idées selon chaque contexte spécifique. CEDAW et la résolution 1325 sont le référentiel de base.



“The exposure of the gender factor in varied experiences across cities means that gender issues must be addressed in policy and action plans [assessment tools] by both men and women of all cultures and backgrounds. …[Such gender mainstreaming means] that humanitarian planning and intervention will have to be based on transformation of cultures and socio-structural relationships…reflecting the values of justice and respect, while adapting and adjusting to different world views that trample on human rights, in particular women’s rights [and the rights of children].” Francis, D. Developing Peace Education)
In the context of massive migratory movements, human trafficking and civil warfare across he globe, humanitarian interventions and state action intended to achieve peace and security for those affected, must seek to provide a supportive environment for women’s empowerment and by extension survival of families and communities so that existing and potential vulnerabilities can be overcome. The Millennium Development Goal (MDG Goals 2 & 3 ) on Gender called for the creation of more equal relationships between men and women, while the inclusion of women’s sexual and reproductive rights was considered part of the Sustainable Development Goals - goal 5 (United Nations Development Programme).
There are relevant International Labour Organisation ILO Conventions on treatment of migrant workers including refugees. In addition, The United Nations Security Council has called for actors involved in negotiating and implementing peace agreements to adopt a gender perspective and to protect by special measures women and girls against all forms of violence in situations of armed conflict (Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Violence against Women)16. In the Caribbean, regional efforts are being made to implement recommendations for gender sensitization training for educators, legislators,
policymakers, managers, health workers and civil society and to design measures that actively involve men in addressing the roots of gender based violence.17 These measures may be relevant for use in other countries..



Dear Barbora,

One quick idea is to use the General Recommendations relevant to the different contexts. General Recommendation #30 (I need to re-check it again) talks about women living under occupation, and others talk about similar issues.

I will be coming back to this soon. It is interesting and worth taking the discussion further.

Barbora Galvankova Moderator

Dear Soraida, 

thank you so much. looking forward to reading your suggestions. 


Miriam Mona Müller

Hello everyone, my name is Miriam Mona Müller and I work as a Project Assistant for the UN Women National Committee Germany. Concerning the question about owernship, in Germany civil society faces the following challenges. Our current our National Action Plans do not have a clear reference regarding financial accountability and responsibilty. To underline the need of financial support to realize 1325 projects, I'd like to refer to the UN and EU indicators of the WPS Agenda which clearly show that an adequate budget is needed. The topic has entered the political sphere. So there is some financial support and also political will from government officials. However clear budget lines are missing or provided on short notice. In the end, it is the civil society that realizes most of the projects on the ground with partly governement support and partly own ressources. I think civil society can gain more owernship if bureaucratic barriers could be reduced and financial support could planned on a long-term basis. Without that, the uncertainty for all actors involved remains huge and the whole project suffers under that condition. 

Another issue I'd like to address is linking CEDAW and 1325 under the umbrella of economics. During armed conflicts, gender-based violence occurs as a strategy of political violence but also as an instrument to support war economies, e.g. human trafficking. I think its helpful to see the whole picture why, by whom and for what purpose gender-based violence is used. Reporting on CEDAW could take a look into how gender-based violence occurs in the economy during armed conflict. Besides from human trafficking, this would also include "offering" sexualized services to get food, health care or protection. Linking CEDAW and 1325 under the umbrella of economics therefore helps to analyze power dynamics of gender-based violence in war economis by understanding which actors benefit financially from the armed conflict. 

Laila Alodaat Moderator

Dear Miriam, Thank you so much for your valuable input, I totally agree with you on the need for financing NAPs which has been repeatedly highlighted as one of the major obstacles for the full realisation of National WPS agendas. 

You are also spot on regarding the need to link CEDAW with 1325 on the issue of WPS financing, several feminist anti-militarist organisations, including WILPF, have been raising this issue and highlighting the need to move the money from war to peace and how that will have a major gendered impact. Some interesting materials and videos could be found here https://www.peacewomen.org/WPS-Financing

Thank you for your concrete and valuable input

Ikhlas Babiker

Dear all,

My name is  Ikhlas, a woman  from Sudan, I work as an executive Director for an organization concerns with Women and peace- WILPF Sudan, the national group of WILPF International, I want just to raise 2 points I think  they are of high importance when we talk about  women and security, the first one is the political will of the ruling regime, secondly , the role of the civil society,  in this regard - being working in the field of women and security for 10 years - I have come to the conclusion that, the objectives of the WPS Agenda and the resolution 1325, will be achieved only when the role of women is recognized as partners and effective actors on the country's peace and security, and this requires the political will to support the inclusion of women in the legislation and decision-making on the issues related to peace and security, in addition, I believe that, the civil society has a crucial role- particularly in the conflict affected countries-  regarding the implementation of the WPS Agenda and the resolution 1325 and minimizing the Masculine Domination, which stands as a social barrier that prevent women's voices to be raised regarding their participation in the peace process i.e. conflict resolution, mediation and peace building.  

Laila Alodaat Moderator

Dear Ikhlas, 

lovely to see a fellow WILPFer here, welcome to the discussion :) 

I totally agree with you that the lack of political will by states could be a major obstacle to realising the full potential of the WPS agenda, and in some cases, states could be open to making commitments but later on fail to finance them or to take adequate measures to ensure full implementation. This is particularly challenging in countries run by authoritarian regimes where not enough checks and balances are in place to hold the state accountable. 

Do you think the WPS agenda could be helpful setting some normative and practical guidelines and supporting the work of civil society even when not enough political will exists at the government's end? we know of examples where the WPS agenda has been a valuable longterm tool to help civil society change the narrative and gain international support, do you think this is possible in the context of Sudan? 

Ikhlas Babiker

Dear Laila, 

I am also happy to meeting you here.

I definitely agree with you that WPS agenda could be a reference and a guideline for the civil society work by promoting gender equality, protection of rights and strengthening women participation particularly in the countries where the armed conflicts has increased the suffering of women segments . In Sudan , the civil society is supporting  the implementation of the WPS agenda and the resolution 1325 by the protection of human rights, awareness raising of women groups and building their capacities to claim their rights, also advocating women participation in the peace negotiations and peace building. Further, the civil society has succeeded by the support of the United Nations - UNDDR- to put the country's national plan for the implementation of the resolution 1325 and  working to get more achievements but the lack of political will is behind the small progress.


i recommend to working on : 
•  further prioritise and invest in context analysis, 
gender analysis. Support to women’s participation needs to 
context-sensitive; peace and security efforts need to be gendersensitive.
To this purpose gender analysis should be mainstreamed
throughout all peace and security analysis efforts. Support 
provided to staff on how to conduct gender-sensitive conflict 
including trainings.
• To provide greater political and financial support to women
peacebuilders, and civil society organisations including but 
limited to women’s rights organisations. Women’s 
peace processes need to be acknowledged with greater 
political support. 

• To rethink understandings of and approaches to peace
processes and mediation support. Support to peace 
be based on an understanding of such processes as 
series of complementary and mutually reinforcing initiatives 
about an end to armed conflict, create the basis for a new 
political settlement and support reconciliation. This involves 
formal and informal efforts to help parties to the conflict and 
society reframe the conflict, reform institutions and transform
• To practice what is preached. International support should 
example and ensure gender balance in any mediation support
structure. This entails appointing women to peace and 
and shaping a culture of inclusion to address institutional 
women’s participation in elite peacemaking processes. 

Laila Alodaat Moderator

Thank you very much Ahmed for your comment and concrete recommendations. 

Moneera Yassien

Just on the 5th of Feb 2019, 7 women were tortured and ganged raped by government’s militia “Janjaweed” in Un Hashaba, Darfur. 
Since 2003 the government has been using sexualized violence as a weapon of war.
To the moment, No official data on the accurate numbers of survivors/victims of the systematic rape campaigns which women and girls in Darfur have faced because any such activity is not allowed to be conducted in Darfur.

To date, the Sudanese government is refusing to sign CEDAW under excuses like it's against our religion, the main reason in my opinion why they are evading is because they don't want to be held accountable for the crimes against women in Darfur! for that, we need to have mandatory legislation to report on and fight sexualized violence as a weapon of war in conflict areas. 

Laila Alodaat Moderator

Dear Moneera, 

Thank you for your contribution and I am very sorry to hear these tragic news. Sexual violence in armed conflicts is a serious violation of international humanitarian law and human rights law, and the attempts to avoid abiding by international treaties like CEDAW will not prevent any perpetrator from being held accountable for this awful crime. 

Civil society has played a leading role in the fight against sexual violence, do you think the WPS agenda could be a helpful tool for civil society in Sudan? and what can be done to support them in their efforts for prevention, protection, participation and recovery? 


The Women's Action Plan aims to ensure that governments commit themselves to putting women and girls at the center of efforts to transform conflict, peace and stability, ratified by the African Union (CRF) from 29 Member States in March 2018 and adopted by the PSC May 16, 2018, International - UNSCR / 1325.
** Therefore, it is necessary to create an action plan that focuses on the implementation of the Member States And the results to be reached. Will be an early advance in national action plans for those countries, and practical evaluation will determine results in three areas:

1. The importance of national action plans for the purpose;
2. The ability of Member States to achieve WPS, and

3. Progress in those countries.

This assessment will implement a series of women, peace and security initiatives in conflict-affected areas, not driven by the NAP of the Member States. The NAP does little to guide women's agenda and peace and security. In many ways, we will get encouraging results, as we will explain that the WPS issues will be presented to some extent within the regulations and practices of international organizations.
The Plan of Action for Women, Peace and Security is a very important document issued by Member States in an attempt to classify initiatives according to the four pillars of its decision. Participation, prevention, protection, relief and recovery will create industrial differentiation between programs that have an impact on a set of WPS priorities.
The Plan of Implementation of the Program of Action will be particularly problematic in that activities are derived from pre-planned programs in member countries, which means that national action plans do not lead them - they serve as a tool for presentation.

The capacity of relevant international organizations and stakeholders to bring issues related to women, peace and security: to the provision of women, peace and security in general, with an area of ​​improvement, especially at the institutional level,
When reviewing departmental strategies at the level of Member States, there is little mention of the women's system, peace, security and national action plans of Member States. In monitoring these strategies during the period of the program of work, there is an opportunity to address these issues.

This is what I will explain on the next 3 articles, to clarify the extent to which countries can implement women, peace and security agenda , and build the capacity of international organizations concerned with the file of women, peace and security.

Abdul Rahman Kays

Dear Barbora and fellow contributors in this great WPS Platform,

Unfortunately I was away for the last few time of the discussion doing some Public outreach and Advocacy  in the Rural communities in special reference to sexual gender base violence with minors, with some horrific/uncalled information in the field, however  the challenges on WPS is enarmorse  it goes beyond outlining resolution or talking tough it is time for action! I mean action by providing the available resource  

1. For us men to act fast to protect our Women, Girls and Sisters and Mothers across the world we should stop the talking and let action prevail.

2. Providing Suitable health condition and better Economic means to protect our Women and Girls across the world

3. Provide the space for Integrated governance platform and leadership Role for Women across the world.

4. Social empowerment in Rural communities along side cultural right.

Bidor Ali

Hi everyone - I think this is a very important discussion that needs to be had in order to ensure that gender is at the forefront of all global development work. 

It is imperative for women and girls to be active participants in peacebuilding. Ways in which this can be done by civil society actors include;

1. Support the meaningful participation of women and women's rights organization in peace negotiations and conflict prevention efforts 

2. Help advance women's rights in post-conflict state building 

3. Help prevent and respond to sexual violence in conflict zones and enforce it's zero tolerance for abuse perpetrated by its peacekeepers 

We have seen this approach work successfully in Columbia for example; despite the peace accord signed in 2016, the 60-year-long conflict has led to mass insecurity - displacing over 7 million people. The main challenge in achieving peace here for civil society is the removal of thousands of anti-personnel mines in the country.  Since 1990, landmines have killed over 12,400 people - as a result, farmland, as well as roads and schools, have been abandoned. 

To promote stabilization, maintain security in conflict zones, Columbia has seen success in its peace process, including through humanitarian mine clearance by a local organization in 10 municipalities. The mine clearers are recruited locally. The organization provides men and women, including veterans, with fair working conditions. It gives women management positions and visible roles in their work with residents to find mined areas.

To a point earlier in the forum, on the situation in Sudan, a WPS agenda would certainly be a great tool for civil society in Sudan. The same approach of (see same 3 points below) can be taken to support civil society in their efforts for prevention, protection, participation and recovery.

1. Supporting the meaningful participation of women and women's rights organization in peace negotiations and conflict prevention efforts 

2. Helping advance women's rights in post-conflict state building 

3. Helping prevent and respond to sexual violence in conflict zones and enforce it's zero tolerance for abuse perpetrated by its peacekeeper

Stacey Schamber Moderator

Hi everyone,

Thank you for your comments and contributions! I wonder if you have any success stories to share of women's and civil society participation with government or in peace negotiations? What about for men supporting protection efforts or effective prevention of sexual violence in conflict zones? What specifically can help ensure women's participation? 



Alex McCarthy

Hi everyone, thanks for this opportunity. I wanted to bring up some thoughts on linking CEDAW reporting to UNSCR 1325.

In Musawah’s CEDAW reporting with national partners, we have critically analysed discriminations of women via the status of marriage and family relations as encapsulated in Article 16 of the CEDAW Convention. Article 16 has one of the most number of reservations from State-parties, usually justified because of traditional, religious or cultural reasons; in our research and advocacy, we have seen State-parties in particular argue that reforms towards gender equality would contravene Islamic or Shari’ah law. There is no single Muslim family law that applies to all Muslims in all places; rather, Muslim family laws differ among communities and countries, which allows us to advocate for reforms--and for the CEDAW Committee to make recommendations--by drawing examples from more progressive Muslim family laws in other countries.  

UNSCR 1325’s focus of conflict and post-conflict violence doesn’t necessarily address the ways in which religion, culture or tradition can continue to be used to discriminate against women at the institutional and communal levels, which has impact on invisibilizing the personal violences they encounter as well. Thus, CEDAW reporting could illuminate this arena of VAWG under prevention as well as peacebuilding that hinders efforts towards gender equality and improves women’s access to justice.

Similarly, the specific and concrete strategic guidance the CEDAW Committee provides for recommended actions by State-parties can be used to address women’s legal status in issues such as nationality/citizenship, ownership of land or economic resources, capacity to make economic decisions for the family, etc--many of which are set aside during times of conflict and/or during post-conflict negotiations/reconciliation/reconstruction as “not a high priority”, because it relates to women. In fact, during peace talks/negotiations is precisely when women and CSOs should be included in the process to include reforms that secure egalitarian rights and commitments towards gender equality. Just look at how Morocco in the early days of its independence in 1958 adopted the Moudawana, a traditional family code that contributed to the subjugation of women through its “providing in exchange for obedience” philosophy, which was only finally replaced decades later with the less patriarchal Moudawana Reform of 2004, which reflected a shift to “sharing the responsibility” between spouses thanks to women’s rights activists. (See “Who Provides? Who Cares? Changing Dynamics in Muslim Families”)

Stacey Schamber Moderator

Hi Alex,

This is a great illustration of linking CEDAW with 1325, to draw upon other reporting mechanisms which address gender roles and dimensions beyond the conflict space. Thank you for sharing! What other ideas are there for furthering the WPS agenda?



Stacey Schamber Moderator

Last week, there were several interesting points raised including the need for financial support for 1325 to ensure accountability and recognizing the importance of political will for women's inclusion in governance and decision making processes. Some thought that practical guidance for civil society to advocate for women's inclusion might be useful. 

Others offered some great concrete recommendations such as the incorporation of gender analysis, greater political and financial support, ensuring gender balance in mediation teams, and promoting women's participation in peacebuilding. 

Thank you all for your contributions. If you have further thoughts on these topics, like how to foster greater political will or to ensure women's inclusion in governance and peace processes, please do share. 



Anju SHRESTHA (Awnu)

 Q. What could help give civil society more ownership of the WPS agenda? 

A. I believe the "Women Peace and Security " effects ever ones life but people are not able to relate it . As i come form Nepal, they how ever are not able to link with the daily life though the country was in 10 years of civil war.

The first thing need to do is

- Show how this may or is affecting the life of them. it should not be conflict with in the country or community but also with in next country such as India, pakistan etc.

- Also need to show, how the policies can change from supportive to un supportive when the government is changes and how it can affect the life of inviduduals.

Anju SHRESTHA (Awnu)

Continue ... The second thing is:

- To feel them ownership, they should understand what it is and how they can contribute. 

I believe the ownership is successful when they understand the issues .

Sangeet Gopal Kayastha

I agree with the points of Awnu. But my view is far beyond that. As a guy and as i worked during Nepal earthquake in the temporary shelter, I relaized the defination is peace goes far beyond than poverty or scarcity etc.  It also comes with minor issues which might not even link with resources. Also how this could not only affect women but also all family but the women may face more burdern. 

Spreading Information is must for the ownership in grassroot level.

Farouk Mellouki

تونس البلد رقم واحد في تصدير النساء والرجال في ساحات الإرهاب . لماذا ؟


لم يكن الزعيم الراحل الحبيب بورقيبة يفكر للحظة وهو يسارع بإنجاز مجلة الأحوال الشخصية قبل اعلان الجمهورية  أن تصبح تونس البلد المصدر رقم واحد للارهاب في العالم بين النساء والرجال

فالزعيم بورقيبة الذي ناضل من اجل استقلال البلاد عن فرنسا في 20 مارس 1956 لم ينتظر سوى أربعة أشهر ليحث المجلس التأسيسي أنذاك للموافقة على مجلة الأحوال الشخصية  في الثالث من اوت من نفس السنة أي قبل نحو سنة عن اعلان الجمهورية في ال25 من جولية 1957

كان بورقيبة العلماني الذي حلم بتحويل تونس الى دولة عصرية تضاهي أوروبا فيما يتعلق بالحريات وبالفعل ولئن فشل التحول الديموقراطي في البلاد الا ان حرية المرأة ظلت الى حد هذا اليوم مفخرة الزعيم الراحل واتباعه فتونس  تعد من أول الدول العربية التي أقرت مبدأ تحرير المرأة، وتساوي الفرص بينها وبين الرجل

فأهم المناصب في المنظمات الكبرى في البلاد تتقلدها النساء كنقابة القضاة وجمعية القضاة أيضا ونقابة الصحافيين واتحاد الأعراف

ولكن ما الذي يجعل بلد كتونس الذي خصص اكثر من نصف ميزانيته للتعليم على رأس قائمة الدول المصدرة للإرهاب

فالبلد لم يعرف حالات تطرف منذ استقلاله  كتلك التي شهدناها خلال العشرية الدموية في الجزائر التي أودت بحياة 200 الف بين مدني وامني وارهابي

فالحركة الإسلامية في تونس ممثلة في حركة النهضة هددت قياداتها النسوية خلال مناقشة الدستور الجديد بالتصويت ضد أي تشريع يمس من مجلة الأحوال الشخصية التي يعتبرها جميع التونسيين خطا أحمر غير قابل للنقاش

وهذه الحركة المحسوبة على حركة الاخوان المسلمين خيبت امال مريديها حين صوت ممثلوها في البرلمان  على دستور مدني يرفض تحويل الشريعة الإسلامية كمصدر أساسي للقوانين في البلاد لتقبل  بالابقاء على الفصل الأول من الدستور الذي  خلفه الزعيم الراحل والعلماني الحبيب بورقيبة

والذي ينص على أن  "تونس دولة حرة، مستقلة، ذات سيادة، الاسلام دينها، والعربية لغتها، والجمهورية نظامها.

يختلف المحليون في تونس حول تحديد أسباب تحول الالاف من الشبان التونسيين الى جبهات القتال في كل من سوريا والعراق وليبيا

اذ يرى الأستاذ منجي السعدواي الباحث في الجماعات الجهادية المتطرفة  ان الحضور التونسي في جبهات القتال ليس جديدا الا انه لم يكن بهذا الحجم " لا تنسوا ان اكثر من 20 تونسيا كانوا في سجن غوانتانامو ممن كانوا يقاتلون الى جانب تنظيم القاعدة في أفغانستان كما ان للتونسيين حضورا متقدما في هذا التنظيم فسائق أسامة بن لادن كان تونسيا

والشخص الذي وقع عليه الاختيار لاغتيال أحمد شاه مسعود زعيم المعارضة الشمالية بأفغانستان يوم 9 سبتمبر 2001  كان تونسيا أيضا "

وحسب السعداوي فانه لولا تحرك المجتمع المدني لايقاف تدفق الشباب التونسي نحو جبهات القتال بعد سقوط نظام بن علي لكان العدد يحسب بعشرات الالاف  اذا ما عدنا الى عدد المشاركين في مؤتمر أنصار الشريعة في مدينة القيروان التونسية وكذلك الإحصاءات التي قدمها وزير الداخلية في حينه لطفي بن جدو

اما طارق المغزاوي الباحث الاجتماعي فيرى ان من أسباب انتقال المئات من التونسيين الى جبهات القتال في كل من سوريا والعراق وليبيا ضمن المجموعات الأشد تطرفا " يعود الى غياب حاضنة شعبية لهم في تونس فالشارع التونسي رفظهم خاصة مع اول عملية إرهابية شهدت ذبح جنود تونسيين في شهر رمضان 2013  "  خاصة ان التونسيين بما في ذلك الحكومة المؤقتة الثانية حكومة الترويكا التي تزعمتها حركة النهضة الإسلامية منحتهم فرصة العمل القانوني وفق تشريعات البلاد واعلانهم ان تونس أرض دعوى وليست أرض جهاد ولكن في النهاية كشفوا عن وجههم الحقيقي وشرعوا في تنفيذ أفكارهم المتشددة وفرضها على المجتمع وفي النهاية اختار عدد منهم الانتقال خارج البلاد فيما دخل الاخرون في السرية ليشكلوا خلايا نائمة تستهدف من حين لأخر المصالح الحيوية في البلاد كمراكز الامن والمنتجعات السياحية والمؤسسات الاقتصادية الأخرى "

وفي جويلية 2015 صدر تقرير صاعق عن مجموعة من خبراء بالأمم المتحدة انكبوا على دراسة الحالة التونسية التي أصبحت مصدر الهام للخبراء في مجال الإرهاب وكذلك السوسيولوجيون

 وحسب فريق الأمم المتحدة فان  شبكات معقدة للتجنيد والسفر جندت آلاف التونسيين، بما في ذلك الرجال والنساء وعائلات بأكملها للمشاركة في القتال في سوريا والعراق. 

وحسب كارسكا   فانه يوجد في سوريا نحو أربعة آلاف مقاتل تونسي وما بين ألف وألف وخمسمائة في ليبيا، و 200 في العراق، و60 في مالي و50 في اليمن. وبالإضافة إلى ذلك، يتم الآن في تونس محاكمة مقاتلين تونسيين بعد عودتهم من العراق.

ويبدو أن الغالبية العظمى من التونسيين الذين يسافرون للانضمام إلى الجماعات المتطرفة في الخارج هم من الشباب، وغالبا ما تتراوح أعمارهم بين 18-35 عاما. ويأتي بعضهم من خلفيات اجتماعية واقتصادية فقيرة، وأيضا من الطبقة الوسطى والطبقات العليا من المجتمع.

وحسب تقارير أمنية فانه تم رصد عدد من القادمين من ليبيا يحملون معهم كميات من المال من العملة الأجنبية بين يورو ودولار لنقلها الى عوائل هؤلاء المقاتلين مما يشير الى نسبة منهم تحولت الى ما يشبه المرتزقة .
ومما يثير الاهتمام في كل هذا هو تنامي حضور  النساء  التونسيات ضمن هذه المجموعات  الإرهابية سواء من حيث العدد او من حيث المهمات الموكولة اليهن اذ لم يعد الامر مختصرا على الدعم اللوجستي والتعبئة وتأمين الاتصالات السرية بين مختلف الخلايا النائمة

فانتظام  المرأةالتونسية  وانخراطها في منظومة الإرهاب وانتمائها للجماعات الإرهابية امر مثير للدهشة في بلد عرف بتمكين النساء في مختلف القطاعات السياسية والحزبية والمهنية .

ففي أكتوبر من سنة 2014 فوجئ سكان حي وادي الليل المتاخم للعاصمة التونسية  بخروج امرأة منقبة تحمل بيدها اليمنى بندقية من نوع كلاشينكوف وبيدها اليسرى ابنها الرضيع وهو تتحدى القوات الخاصة التي تحولت الى وكر يضم مجموعة من الإرهابيين اذ سارعت  بإطلاق النار على رجال الأمن وخلال تلك المواجهات أصيبت في كتفها فتمّ نقلها إلى المستشفى لتلقّي العلاج وقد بيّنت الأبحاث في القضيّة خاصة اثر استنطاقها أنّ أحد الإرهابيين  المعروف باسم “أبو عبيدة” والبالغ من العمر 19 سنة استقطب عبر إرهابية أخرى  ا 10 إرهابيات وقعن في حبّه بعد أن تواصل معهن باسم مستعار عبر صفحة “فجر القيروان”، التكفيرية  حيث تزوّج من ثلاث إرهابيات عرفيا  - القانون التونسي لا يعترف بالزواج العرفي ويعتبره جريمة زنا - وخلال محاصرته بمنزل بجهة شباو بوادي الليل من ولاية منوبة تمّ قتله وقتل 5 إرهابيات

واحدى الارهابيات التي وقع تصفيتهن ضمن هذه الخلية وتدعى أمينة العامري كانت طالبة متفوقة وممتازة في الهندسة كانت تطمح الى ان تكون مهندسة مختصة في البحث العلمي فوجدت نفسها مختصة في الارهاب فبعد ان تعرفت على الإرهابية طالبة الطب  فاطمة الزواغي المعروفة لدى الخلايا الارهابية «بام قدامة» عن طريق صفحات الفايسبوك التابعة للجماعات الارهابية على غرار «الربانيون للاعلام» و«فجر القيروان» انطلقت في مشوارها في عالم الارهاب والتطرّف والتكفير والتخطيط لاغتيالات سياسية

وللنساء المنظمات في الجماعات الإرهابية أدوار أخرى متقدمة اذ كلفت احدى المجموعات بإدارة الشبكة الإعلامية للتنظيم على المستويين المحلي والإقليمي فخلال شهر نوفمبر 2015 

أعلنت  وزارةالداخلية التونسية، في بيان رسمي عن اعتقال 7 نساء، أثبتت الأبحاث تشكيلهن لجانب كبير من الجناح الإعلامي لفرع داعش في تونس، ضمن خلية "جند الخلافة" التي يشرف عليها إرهابي مطلوب للعدالة يدعى سيف الدين الجمالي، الملقب بأبي القعقاع

و اعترفت وزيرة المرأة التونسية سميرة مرعي بالتحاق 700 امرأة تونسية بجماعات متطرفة في سورية

وأضافت أمام البرلمان أن "هناك تناميا لظاهرة الإرهاب واستقطاب الأطفال والمرأة، وثمة 700 امرأة تونسية موجودات في سورية"، من دون إعطاء تفاصيل أكثر "

اما رئيسة المركز الدولي للدراسات الاستراتيجية الامنية والعسكرية فقد كشفت في ماي 2015 عن وجود أكثر  من 150 امراة  تونسية متورطة في كل العمليات الارهابية وهن موجودات في السجون متورطات في اغلب العمليات بمعدل ستة نساء في كل عملية جرت في سوريا

و أضافت " ان هناك من التحق بداعش من اصطحب معه زوجته و اخته و منهم من التحقت به زوجته و عائلته او اخته او من تقربه و منهم من قام باستقطاب البعض منهن وهناك من  ذهبن بمفردهن "

وحسب دراسة قام بها  هذه السنة المركز الدولي للدراسات الاستراتيجية والأمنية والعسكرية فهناك خمسة أسباب رئيسية وراء ااستقطاب النساء في التنظيمات الإرهابية

أولا   الأمومة - ان للنساء دورا محوريا في هذه التنظيمات الارهابية ولعل أدوارهن تتمحور حول اهداف معينة بعينها وهي الامومة التي تخدم وظيفة نفسية لتعزيز الروح والافكار المتطرفة من خلال زرعها في الجيل الصغير الصاعد لخلق جيل جديد من الارهابيين.

ثانيا  التجنيد السلس – يعتمد التجنيد  بشكل اكبر على الرجال حيث ان الصناعة وقيادة القرار مازالت لدى الرجال ولكن هذا لا يغفل عن الدور الذي تلعبه النساء لتجنيد غيرهن من النساء بل حتى الرجال فهي تدعو الرجل للجهاد في سبيل الله ونصرة الدين من خلال رمزية الرجولة والشجاعة والجرأة وذلك خصوصا عبر شبكات التواصل الاجتماعي.

 ثالثا - التسويق.. فمع التقدم التكنولوجي وتطور وسائل الاعلام اصبحت المرأة عاملا مهما لدى التنظيمات الارهابية عاملا مهما للترويج لنفسها وجلب الانتباه وتم وضع استراتيجية للنساء الانتحاريات وتصوير فيديوهات لهن قبل التفجير وترويجه الى وسائل الاعلام بأكبر قدر ممكن مما يجذب اكبر قدر ممكن من التعاطف وكسر الصورة النمطية لهذه التنظيمات وبذلك تصبح المرأة اداة قوية في الدعاية خاصة مع اهتمام وسائل الاعلام بالنساء اكثر من الرجال

رابعا  - الامن - حفظ الامن الذي تقوم به الشرطة النسائية عندما يغادر الرجال للغزوات

خامسا -التمريض والطب

سادسا  -التعليم الشرعي للمراة وذلك من اجل صورة جديدة للتنظيم بأنّه لا يجهّل المرأة بل يسعى لتعليمها 

Stacey Schamber Moderator

Dear Farouk,

Thank you for sharing these reflections. Indeed violent extremist groups have long targeted women in their recruitment, and women have played many different roles in these groups. Some women, for instance who joined Boko Haram, have experienced more power and opportunity within the group compared with their status in their home communities. ICAN and UNDP recently released a report, Invisible Women: Gendered Dimensions of Return, Reintegration, and Rehabilitation, which looks at the return of members of VE groups. 

What role can civil society play in preventing the recruitment of women and addressing the push and pull factors of women joining violent extremist groups (either in Tunisia or globally)?



Ani Zonneveld

[~55248] RE the executive summary, I am glad to read points #8 and #9. In our programming work in the field in Burundi and Tunisia we find young women in rural areas oppressed by their own families and societies are hungry for a religious set of values that validates their rights, their existence and aspirations. We provide them that through our initiative #ImamsForShe in partnership with male feminist imams and religious scholars (men and women).

As an organization we focus on prevention of radicalism, of misogyny, of hate of "the other" whomever that other is. This rethinking and shift will take a generation but it is possible. If we teach an inclusive (Islamic) worldview rather than that of intolerance, tribalism, and hate as many imams do, then come elections, if in a democratic system, that individual will vote for a representative that will reflect his/her inclusive worldview.  An inclusive worldview includes space for women and men as equal partners. (Side note: there is a fear by men, that women will sideline them. Of course most men see this as the likely outcome in the way they have sidelined women). 

Re: Tunisia. What we have failed to address on a large scale is the prevention of these women to want to join radical groups. The solutions vary and are out there, but we have noticed most institutions shun the idea of working with faith groups in the field of prevention, it gets pegged as "religion", while funding is readily available in working with imams in de-radicalism efforts as this effort is now pegged as "peace and security". Prevention is so much cheaper but hard to measure. As your report "Invisible Women" confirms, ISIS promotes an ideology that supposedly liberates women from the shackles of their father and brothers at home, promising these women empowerment that they can only dream of. It works! Women, Peace and Security starts at home.

Lastly, what we need are psychologists at our conferences and as part of our team. Too often we try to address large structural problems without drilling down to the individual level. That has been a mistake for too many years and we cannot afford to continue down this path if we are to achieve SDGs by 2030 and beyond. 

Ani Zonneveld

Farouk I used Google to translate your post. Thank you and I found it scary that ISIS is already thinking of the next generation of terrorists as the purpose of their recruitment of women. How is it that a disparate group of thugs could be so cohesive and successful in their long-term strategies in ways we have failed? 

Farouk Mellouki


Disons le clairement et sans acrobatie linguistique . Le monde arabe et islamique n'a pas encore compris le sens de la modernité . La Renaissance (au niveau de la pensée) s'est arretée depuis presque un siècle...

Maintenant, pour en revenir à ISIS ; il est vrai qu'elle a perdu militairement la guerre et l'Etat Khalifal est complètement détruit, mais, les groupes islamistes Djihadistes/Takfiristes (les radicaux) sont devenu plus mobiles (ils sont partout) et utilisent la technologie la plus moderne qui est le produit de la modernité pour recruter et diffuser leur idéologie destructrice . Il ne faut pas crier victoire. Isis est détruite militairement et non sa pensée .....

Je suis désolé, on ne peut pas expliquer le phénomène en deux mots . Merci

Farouk Mellouki


Une très bonne réflexion, mais j'ai deux questions à vous poser :

1) existe -t'il- un contre discours religieux ?

2) quelle type d'éducation et formation religieuse qu'on attribue aux enfants -de 4 à 6 ans- à l'école maternelle ( Prenons ici le cas de la tunisie) ?.

Pour terminer, notre Association SOS Terrorisme aura un grand plaisir pour établir un partenariat avec vous.



Farouk Mellouki


L’éducation et la formation dans un sens large de la problématique des droits de l’Homme est primordiale tout en utilisant les techniques modernes de la communication. L’intervention des juristes et des spécialites en sciences humaines  et sociales est plus que necessaire.   

Beity Tunisie

Dear All,

Regarding the participation of women in security, we would like to highlight the situation of women who are being or have been incarcerated. At national level, it is the State duty to ensure collective security and peace by implementing pocessses to limit second offenses and enabling citizen to live in stable situations, as precarity frequently is a situation in which one is likely to commit offense. However, conditions of incarceration, and the stigma faced by people who have been incarcerated make their social rehabilitation extremely challenging, putting them at risk of precarity and second offense.

This is especially true for women, who face tremendous precarity following incarceration. In all contexts, advocating for the increased use of alternative sentences (probation, communoty services, etc), and for improved incarceration conditions is key to ensuring security and stability within communities. Many civil society organizations are funded to work on this topic, and in Tunisia there is a strong will to concrteely develop "probation bureaus" to propose alternative sentences, but the bureaucracy and levels of administration surrounding the prison system are challenging, and limit the power of action for civil society structures. 

Stacey Schamber Moderator

Hi Beity,

Thank you for sharing your experience. What experience do others have regarding women's incarceration and rehabilitation? What guidance or support do you think civil society organizations need to reform security institutions? I know there is a wealth of research and experience on this topic. 



Stacey Schamber Moderator

Hi everyone,

Thank you for another great week of discussion! You've raised questions about the importance of national action plans and measuring state progress on the WPS agenda as well as many concrete recommendations. I'd like to list several themes from this online consultation, as we have one week left, and ask you to reflect on how these topics can be presented at the Tunis Forum in an innovative way?

Themes emerging from Discussion on WPS:

1.     Mis-match between expected promises and realities of UN SCRs: from analysis to solutions for better results  (e.g  promote women’s empowerment as a key pre-determinant to sustaining peace and ensuring security)

2.     Lack of results because of lack of funding? WPS agenda needs to be better financed (NAPs) “move money from war to peace”

3.     Tackle (insufficient) accountability mechanisms: current lack of political will to support WPS –agenda: weak inclusion of women in governance and decision making, insufficient financial commitment and implementation measures

4.     UN SCR 1325 and CEDAW are linked (mutual pre-requisites): (to develop further in discussion/panel?): insights on how can we benefit from this and strengthen the WPS agenda (like required reporting)?

5.     Deal with gender equality backlash: need for more overall “security”  (socio-econ, political, human rights…) for women to safeguard women’s rights and obtain better results 

6.     Highlight the role of culture/religion in maintaining patriarchal norms and leading to VAWG (link to CEDAW and family law reform?)

7.     Men need to be more outspoken supporters of WPS agenda

8.     WPS agenda can act as a “tool” for CSO- practical guidance for CSO- toolkit/recommendations : “Enough talking: time for action!”

9.      The need to target women's leadership and participation in governance and peace and conflict prevention processes 




It is important to note that criticism of the NAP of some States is not a critique of the UN's work on women, peace and security. In fact, the assessment is that the UN is doing a great deal of good work on women, peace and security and succeeds in placing the concerns of women and girls at the center of many programs in countries affected by conflict, And the continuous pursuit of improvement and innovation in women's issues and peace and security. Therefore, the results and outputs of the NAP must be formulated at the level of Member States in line with the four issues and with the support of UN Security Council Resolution 1325. Subsequently, some countries are "focused" Conflicts, and corresponding country offices are invited to identify living and planned programming efforts appropriately within the framework of an implementation plan against relevant indicators and targets. In this regard, the content of the AP

** The implementation plan can be understood as a retro exercise. As such, this approach will not create the following shortcomings:
- The attempt to categorize activities and initiatives according to the four pillars of participation, protection, prevention, relief and recovery creates a false divide and gives it incomplete Is a depressing picture of the expanded work of the UN on women, peace and security. There is no doubt that the four pillars of Security Council resolution 1325 overlap with each other and categorize each program under only one column, which is the limited impact of the program.
- Create many very broad outputs so that the full range of women for peace and security can be considered to be reasonably contributing.
- Country programs are not reported in the implementation plan by the NAP because they already existed or in planning when the NAP was formulated. Thus, the NPA does not strategically orient or design activities. In many ways, a misnomer is called an "implementation plan" - instead it is a matrix that gives an overview of some of the "women, peace and security" activities that are taking place In the countries of focus of the Program of Action.
- Programs and activities of countries of concentration are included inconsistently in the implementation plan.
A number of programs that support women, peace and security are likely to be concentrated in countries that will be focused and not registered in the NAP of these countries, resulting in an incomplete picture of ongoing work. A broad-based initiative focusing on women's participation at the grassroots level must be created by supporting women's rights groups- Furthermore, if there is no initiative in the implementation plan, it is not clear how to report them.


women's and civil society participation with government or in peace negotiations ( success stories ) :     From EGYPT 

She is known among the disabled as a contender, and she is a student at AUC to hold international positions in international organizations before being chosen by the "Love Egypt" campaign to run in the previous parliamentary elections to become a parliamentary member and leader of the "disabled" parliamentary bloc.

Heba Hagras Ahmed Hajras, a disabled woman who was nine years old, was taken from the American "Helen Claire", who was deaf and blind and became a writer and human rights activist and became famous until the world recognized her and called it the "miracle of humanity", for example, giving her a boost and incentive even It has hope to follow the path of success, excellence, uniqueness and rebellion against Egyptian legacies in dealing with the disabled.
Dr. Heba Hegres assumed the responsibility of the Secretary General of the National Council for Disability on May 1, 2015, and tried to apply the international method she learned from her study and direct external contact with the Egyptian reality. She was able to set rules and foundations, but only four months later she chose to apply her ideas In September of the same year, the "Love Egypt" list chose 8 representatives of people with disabilities to run for parliamentary elections. Dr. Hiba was the first to be elected, and because the elections are different from the individual elections, Each representative has a To block the reservation of seats in the Egyptian parliament, and became known as «the block of disabled MPs».

The first parliamentary battle that Hajars fought at the beginning of her parliamentary life was the call for the establishment of a special committee within the committees of the parliament known as the Committee for the Disabled, but it did not succeed in this battle. The disabled were joined to the Social Solidarity Committee, which is currently headed by Abdulhadi Al Qasbi, Sufi sheikhs in Egypt, and Hagras won the post of agent of the Committee, becoming the first Egyptian woman with disabilities succeed in assuming the post of Undersecretary of the House of Representatives since its inception.

In order to wrest the constitutional rights of the disabled, Hajras led a parliamentary campaign against Dr. Hilali El Sherbini, Minister of Education, on the integration of students with minor disabilities in different stages of education. This is the only solution. , And approved by the International Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities ten years ago. In the file of education also rejected the excesses of the Supreme Council of Egyptian universities, which tried to prevent students with disabilities from entering some colleges, and sought to establish their right to enter the college they want to study what is Their normal admission requirements are in place, and some colleges have already changed their policy of accepting students with disabilities since the beginning of the current school year. Hadras, a native of Dakahlia, was diagnosed with rheumatoid disease at age 9, The bad effect on all joints of the limbs, which affected the movement, began to lose every day part of the movement, and was before the vitality and activity and filled the house movement and joy, until I reached the age of 14 years, then could not movement without difficulty.

After receiving secondary school from the Egyptian government schools, she enrolled in the free study at the American University in Cairo. She was not qualified to learn languages, especially a graduate of government schools, but she used a group of teachers at home, accepted the challenge and excelled in her work. And graduated with a bachelor's degree in Business Administration with honors in 1982 and was ranked among the top five.

He holds many degrees, most notably a PhD in Disability Studies, Social and Social Studies from Leeds University, England, and a Master's Degree in Sociology and Anthropology from the American University in Cairo (1998).

Hajras raised many issues in the Egyptian parliament, including her utter rejection of the use of words coming out of the parliament, objecting to the use of some deputies by the divorce department Alia Divorce, and demanding that the person threatening the family be threatened with acts such as recklessness.

Hiba loved her cousin and had the same feeling, and after a few months' romance, she went to marry her. Hiba was still in her first year of college, faced family challenges together and held on to their love until she finally won. The marriage was done.

The marriage was a special challenge for her, but thanks to the help of her husband, life went on the right path. She gave birth to his son and son. She lived a happy married life until the husband moved to the high comrade. Then she completed her family journey and took full responsibility to become "mother and father" To her children after they became her whole life.

Abdelrahman Elzein

Up until recently, there's been a law in Sudan which touched on public decency. However, it was very unspecific, and as a result, whether or not an outfit was decent was left completely to the judgement of whichever police officer. Deeming something indecent means copious amounts of humiliation and possibly detention. It is a gateway to legally harass someone.

The possibility of being arrested for almost nothing reinforces the rhetoric of "women should stay home", which in turn reinforces the police's (and other's) discriminatory behaviour.

The danger of simply stepping outside is undoubtedly severely hindering to women's empowerment as it basically closes most doors for them.

The takeaway is that there are subtle loopholes systems leave to box women in, and only women decision makers will plug them.

There's no lack of capable women; there is a lack of a capable system, however. The good news is that both women and men in my country are working side by side to uproot that system along with its regressive ideas, and systematically expelling everything discriminatory (even in everyday speech) from their lives.

It's worth mentioning that the aforementioned law was taken out because of this revolution.


Hi everyone and thank you for this really interesting conversation. 

I would like to contribute with some ideas (part of a longer article I published in Elcano Royal Institute):

This is a political agenda –and not only and intrinsically a technical agenda based on expertise– sustained on the rights/efficiency binomial: on the one hand, the right of women to participate, with an equal footing to men, in the achievement and consolidation of peace; and, on the other, the close link between women’s leadership and participation in building sustainable peace. Its direct interdependence with the agenda of gender equality and empowerment of women –and, therefore, with one of the  essential goals to achieve the Sustainable Development Objectives for 2030– underlines its priority nature and its need to occupy a position of preference in the political agenda. The agenda in terms of women, peace and security mainly affects the area of foreign action and policy, but also requires policies regarding gender equality, as well as justice, home affairs, defence, healthcare, cooperation and education, among others.

It is a good example of the synergy that exists between the domestic and foreign dimensions of policies, but can also reveal, as the case may be, any inconsistencies that exist between ambitious objectives abroad which are not matched by domestic policies. The complexity of the challenges it addresses renders a multidimensional agenda which requires a political will that is permanent and sustained over time, the provision of human and financial resources in the short and medium term, measurable goals and objectives and continuous monitoring and assessment. The political nature of the agenda lends relevance to the participation of Parliament in the follow-up of its achievements, as well as of civil society, a key player in the observance and implementation of the objectives of Resolution 1325.

Lessons learnt and best practices:

  1. Inclusive participation in the preparation, implementation, monitoring and assessment of the Plan. The joint preparation of the Plan (in close cooperation with civil society) has been considered one of the best practices to achieve effective plans that can be implemented in the field, in a concrete and realistic manner. In most cases, it is the civilian organisations of countries in conflict and post-conflict which are best placed to implement the objectives of Resolution 1325. Their significant participation in the design of the Plan ensures expertise on the context, as well as on the needs and desires of women.
  2. Impact indicators, annual assessment and accountability. The absence of outcome indicators renders practically impossible the measurement of the progress achieved by the plan, as well as a rigorous and useful assessment of the adequacy of the measures implemented. Impact indicators must include baselines, for instance as benchmarks to indicate the starting point and therefore allow the effort and the real measureable impact of the plan to be evaluated. Both the United Nations and the EU have designed quantitative (number of women, but also percentages) and qualitative impact indicators which can be added to the Plan, making any necessary adjustments. An annual assessment seems to be an optimal solution, as it enables precise monitoring to be carried out and the suggestion of appropriate rectification or necessary reinforcement, as the case may be, of some measures. The national Parliament must be involved in the follow-up of the Plan and as an accountability mechanism. The presentation in Parliament and the debate on the follow-up reports are some of the best practices to guarantee efficacy and accountability.
  3. A proper institutional framework in each unit of the administration involved, as well as a coordinating body. The existence of a focal point in each of the Ministries and units involved (Defence, Interior, Education, Culture and Sports, Health, Social Affairs and Equality, Institute for Women and Equal Opportunities,as well as the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is essential to drive the Plan in sustained and permanent manner and to monitor and, as the case may be, correct any measures that need to be changed or reinforced. In addition, the existence of a figure to coordinate all of the administration agencies involved, to provide coherence to all of the actions implemented and to help maintain the political momentum of this agenda, also acting as the interlocutor with civil society organisations, is also essential.
  4. Local action, in the field, is absolutely essential. The consideration of local players and women’s organisations in the field as partners is critical to achieve the objectives of Resolution 1325. The support of women’s organisations in the field is the most positive lesson learnt, the most reiterated recommendation and the measure that has proved to be the most efficient of all those evaluated over the past 18 years. Permanent contact with women’s organisations is essential in the prevention of conflict, as it enables the outlook and views of women to be taken into consideration when designing early warning systems and mechanisms in conflictive areas, and the gender perspective to be included in their análisis. Local women’s organisations are ‘well placed to act in the field, are able to interact and exchange information, lobby and exercise political influence; they document human rights violations and sexual violence incidents and pressure governments and the United Nations to improve policies and frameworks for the efficient implementation of the Women, Peace and Security agenda’. Acting locally has proved efficient even at the preparation stage of the Plan. Consultations in the field are essential when seeking to design the most efficient specific measures.
  5. Funding, indispensable to achieve the objectives. Identified by the Global Study as the ‘most serious and constant obstacle’ to meet the commitments, the allocation of resources is one of the keys to ensure the influence and significant participation of women in peace process and prevention of conflicts. The Global Study stresses that ‘accessible, flexible and foreseeable funding for civilian women’s organisations is indispensable to achieve specific results’, and proposes that member states, regional organisations and the United Nations system should undertake to allocate at least 15% of the funds assigned to the peace and security agenda to programmes whose main objective is to respond to the specific needs of women and to promote gender equality. Resolution 2242 highlights the critical nature of the financing gap of women’s organisations, identifying the Global Acceleration Instrument on Women, Peace and Security and Humanitarian Action as a channel to attract funding, coordinate responses and accelerate implementation.

Thinking globally, but acting locally: eight specific measures for a National Action Plan

Direct contact with reality and the local players in countries which are fragile, in conflict or post-conflict, has proved indispensable for the prevention and the implementation of peace process leading to sustainable agreements. In this regard, permanent contact in the field –via national diplomatic representations– with local women’s organisations and other civilian organisations and NGOs is essential to enhance the leadership and visibility of women and their significant participation in peace-building process. By way of recommendation of specific measures which will help to boost the objectives of Resolution 1325, below are some which, based on best practices, could be included in a National Action Plan:

  1. Promotion of leadership of more women at decision-making levels, both domestically and in international organisations.
  2. Support to civilian organisations in the field in countries at risk, in conflict and post-conflict involved in peace-building process, particularly to women’s rights organisations, through dialogue, enhanced visibility, dialogue and regular interchange with Embassies and other national agencies in the field, as well as technical support and mediation training.
  3. Financial support, sustained over time, to women’s organisations promoting equality, women’s empowerment, conflict prevention and peace process, with a specific budgetary allocation and establishment of a minimum amount of the overall peace and security budget. This priority would likewise go hand in hand with the reinforcement of feminist and women’s organisation in civil society. In addition to public funding, which is essential, public-private alliances might be an option worth considering. The international peace and security and gender equality cause might arouse the interest and support of the private sector, shoring up the effort of the administration and boosted by it.
  4. Support to women mediators in peace process, creating a women mediation network to help identify women mediators, enhancing their visibility and training.
  5. Priority implementation of the National Action Plan in those countries which can benefit from added value and which provide the best circumstances for the promotion of the Resolution 1325 objectives. These would be the countries in the foreign policy spotlight and where there is room for manoeuvre, local partners, national non-governmental organisations working in field operations and participation in civilian and/or military multilateral missions, among others.
  6. Annual evaluation carried out by civilian organisations, providing the public administration with an independent assessment which enables the least effective measures to be corrected and those yielding better results to be strengthened.
  7. Presentation and debate in the Parliament of the Plan and evaluation reports, so that the Parliament participates in the follow-up of action implemented and the accountability of the legislative power is guaranteed.
  8. Permanent encouragement and promotion at an international level and in all organisations of which the country is a member (United Nations, EU, OSCE, NATO, United Nations Human Rights Council in the event its candidacy is successful, etc.)
Rasha Jarhum

I would like to share Yemen's experience in implementing UNSC 1325. The 1325 agenda gained momentum post Yemen uprising during the transitional period. The civil society organisations focused on raising awareness, and the reconciliation government, mainly the Human Rights Ministry and Women National Committee (WNC) started to work on 1325. The WNC worked on raising awareness and the Human Rights Ministry sent a few of its staff to Sweden for training on 1325. Those staff upon their return contributed to integrate components of 1325 within the annual plan of the ministry. The Ministry launched a project women in peace funded by UNDP that aimed at increasing women in police stations...etc additionally, the ministry was working on the national strategy for Human rights that included elements of 1325. The overall government's transitional stabilization plan also included elements of 1325 including a focus on women's participation, protection, and their role in recovery and reconstruction. The government policies and plans did not explicitly mention 1325 but borrowed elements from it and integrated it to their documents. Those plans were generally funded, however, Yemen had a problem in absorbing donor's funding. As such a matual accountability fund was established to deal with these challenges. 

When the war and armed conflict escalated, civil society organisations became more engaged in implementing 1325. They lobbied donors and relevant UN agencies to support Yemen develop a NAP. However, they were met with hesitation from international partners. The women's movement as such worked on developing a national agenda for women, peace and security. They also repeatedly called for increasing women's participation in the peace process. They were able to brief the UNSC and deliver a women's rights focused brief which I had the pleasure to deliver. 

As for the formal efforts of the government, when the war begun the government did not prioritize supporting the Women's National Committee, and has recently mandated the women's department in the Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs (MoLA) to take over the responsibilities of the WNC. MoLA have recently started working on a NAP draft which has been developed by one of their advisers. However, the civil society organisations shared concerns that the process has not yet been participatory or inclusive. The advisor has based the draft largely on Palestine and Iraq NAPs. Such an approach is concerning as there is a need to involve grassroot civil society actors in developing the plan. As for the Houthi controlled areas, the Houthi de-facto government had a governmental programme that clearly indicated that they will work on a NAP, however, this porposal was brought forward by GPC-Saleh affiliated ministers, and upon his death, Houthis have stood against such plans to develop a NAP. 

Farouk Mellouki


La violence sexuelle et basée sur le genre ainsi que le viol et les abus sexuels dans les situations de conflit, restent largement répandus et les extrémistes/terroristes violents y recourent systématiquement pour asseoir leur pouvoir et leur autorité. En effet, Les djihadistes utilisent la violence sexuelle contre les femmes, les filles, les hommes et les garçons comme tactique de guerre, comme moyen de torture et comme instrument d’humiliation.

Les ONG doivent agir et exiger pour une protection aux victimes de violence sexuelle et basée sur le genre, et soutenir des missions de recherche de la vérité ainsi que une poursuite pénale effective, se mobiliser pour une politique de tolérance Zéro en matière de violence sexuelle et de faire un travail profond avec les victimes. À cet effet, la formation du personnel des ONG est une exigence.

Combattre l’impunité, par exemple en soutenant des missions de recherche de la vérité ainsi que les poursuites pénales devant des tribunaux locaux tenant compte de la dimension genre pour les femmes et les filles victimes de violences et devant la Cour pénale internationale. Et coordonner l’action avec des organisations humanitaires au niveau international

Farouk Mellouki

La violence sexuelle et basée sur le genre ainsi que le viol et les abus sexuels dans les situations de conflit, restent largement répandus et les extrémistes/terroristes violents y recourent systématiquement pour asseoir leur pouvoir et leur autorité. En effet, Les djihadistes utilisent la violence sexuelle contre les femmes, les filles, les hommes et les garçons comme tactique de guerre, comme moyen de torture et comme instrument d’humiliation.

Les ONG doivent agir et exiger pour une protection aux victimes de violence sexuelle et basée sur le genre, et soutenir des missions de recherche de la vérité ainsi que une poursuite pénale effective, se mobiliser pour une politique de tolérance Zéro en matière de violence sexuelle et de faire un travail profond avec les victimes. À cet effet, la formation du personnel des ONG est une exigence.

Combattre l’impunité, par exemple en soutenant des missions de recherche de la vérité ainsi que les poursuites pénales devant des tribunaux locaux tenant compte de la dimension genre pour les femmes et les filles victimes de violences et devant la Cour pénale internationale. Et coordonner l’action avec des organisations humanitaires au niveau international

Farouk Mellouki

Besoins spécifiques des victimes de violences sexuelles perpétrées par des terroristes sur les femmes et les filles

Certains groupes terroristes ont utilisé en tant que tactique la violence sexuelle, forcé le mariage, la torture et l'esclavage sur les femmes et filles…

L’utilisation de la violence sexuelle comme tactique terroriste a des effets dangereux  et durables sur les victimes. Dans les communautés traditionnelles, le viol peut conduire à une forte stigmatisation des victimes. Les victimes de la violence sexuelle peuvent être rejetées par la communauté parce qu’elles sont considérés comme «impurs» ou «sans valeur». En conséquence, les victimes de violences sexuelles peuvent être réticentes à parler comme ils peuvent le ressentir de leur expérience. Elles ont aussi peur qu’elles seront isolées de leurs communautés et peuvent même refuser de demander de l'aide et soutien.

Ce qui différencie les victimes de violences sexuelles des autres victimes est l'impact mental en plus du  traumatisme physique. Les victimes de violences sexuelles qui ont traversé des formes complexes de violence nécessitent différentes formes de soutien et d’assistance, y compris physique, psychologique, social et économique. Les besoins primaires des victimes de violences sexuelles exigeront une action urgente avant que les autres besoins peuvent être abordés. Leurs sécurités et leur bien-être devraient toujours être placé avant d'autres considérations, le principe primordial est de «ne pas faire de mal». Après ceci, le soutien nécessaire et à long terme passe par le médical, le psychologique et l’aide financière. Ce soutien prend souvent la forme de programmes et nécessitent savoir et compétences appropriées.

Les associations ont besoin des compétences pour fournir le soutien nécessaire aux victimes pour leur réintégration dans leurs communautés afin de devenir autonome et indépendante e » en limitant ainsi les risques de victimisation. Seules les organisations bien qualifiées peuvent soutenir et  aider les victimes de violences sexuelles. Si l’association de victimes de violence sexuelle n’a pas les compétences requises et des ressources pour assister et soutenir les victimes de violence sexuelle, elles devraient recommandées à une autre organisation qui a les compétences et connaissances appropriées pour bien gérer efficacement leur traumatisme et leur processus de guérison.

Les associations de victimes peuvent jouer un rôle important rôle dans le plaidoyer et la sensibilisation auprès des autorités sur les soins et l'attention spécifiques que devraient être fournis aux victimes de violences sexuelles

Les associations de victimes peuvent également contribuer à faciliter la réintégration des victimes au sein de leurs communautés. Les campagnes de sensibilisation peuvent être efficaces et peut être accompli à travers une variété de mécanismes qui sont appropriés au contexte local. Certains des campagnes de sensibilisation, telles que des dialogues en petits groupes, pièces de théâtre ou des programmes de radio communautaire, peuvent  apporter des résultats positifs. En tant que victimes de violences sexuelles, elles ont des besoins spécifiques et des interlocuteurs clés, tels que les avocats, les psychologues, magistrats et agents de la force publique ayant une formation adéquate pour ne pas aggraver leur traumatisme ou les mettre en danger.

Farouk Mellouki

A la relecture de mes textes, je trouve qu'ils n'ont pas été collé fidèlement  ! Dommage

Mary Tembo

my few points on this topic , the two success of the UNSCR has been the recognition and acknowlegement of women and girls as key contributors to peace keeping , peace building and, conflict resolution and it has highlighted the importance of their equal and full participation as active agents. it also provides operation guide lines in addressing the sexual violence issues. this does not leave out the resolution 1325 made.

2. the use of standard measures of monitory and evaluation for all Ngos. as well as the inclusion of private sector. Network working must be emphasised especially in there areas of operation in order to avoid overlapping of works.

3.  i look back at the word globalization , we are faced with this issues each day, we work up,and many discussion have been done and are still going on , i suggest to look at what have been achieved and not achieved , then build centers or hubs in each regions like Africa, Asia, etc then this we meet to discuss the outcomes in each given periods , then this can be linked to the UNSCR 1325. 

please my opinion.


La questions de violences sexuelles, notamment dans le cadre de conflit, mais au delà, est un sujet crucial et urgent pour les femmes.
Cette grande rencontre pourrait aussi viser à donner ces clefs aux personnes présentes pour réagir aux violences et accompagner les victimes; et en faire ainsi des ambassadeurs et ambassadrices dans leurs pays ou leur organisation.

En tant que formatrice, il me semble que quelques heures, voire quelques instants de présentations adaptés, permettent parfois de sensibiliser, de donner des outils pour réagir, et de renforcer les personnes déjà convaincues.


** Participation: UN efforts and contribution
national plan of action and implementation plan will adopt a broad understanding of "participation", including "popular participation" and "political participation" of women and girls, as well as strategies for countries and ministries to "promote effective participation". This shows that the UN recognizes that longer-term conflict resolution and peace-building require greater participation of women at all levels of society beyond one diplomacy. Thus, the objectives and initiatives of the UN cover a wide range of activities; from short-term recruitment of peacekeeping operations to their long-term functions in the Government and the security services, from technical support to women's involvement in peacebuilding processes to constitutional change processes and long-term state-building; For women, pressure and activity are at multiple levels.

** Prevention: the efforts and contribution of the UN
the objectives within the outcome of prevention will focus on eliminating impunity and providing support for broader programming and activity at the national and international levels to work to prevent violence against women and girls (VAWG). The initiatives of the UN range from the development of online HIV policies, guidelines and protocols to small arms controls and efforts to improve data collection on violence against women and girls.
The UN is undertaking many relevant and effective programs to prevent violence against women and girls. However, in many cases, the ability to deliver prevention programs depends on access to communities - if access is severely restricted, and as such, the ability to deliver programs in these contexts is particularly challenging. Further issues of remote management and M & E are a particular challenge when dealing with the sensitive nature of much of the program's content associated with violence against women and girls.

** Protection: UN efforts and contribution
Under the Plan of Action, a plan will be devised to protect the rights of women and girls and integrate them into economic and social development as essential for the building of States that respond to their citizens and equal societies. The UN also supports a wide range of activities in this area, including advocacy, technical assistance to national governments and multilateral organizations, SGBV programs focusing on survivors, and broader efforts to build the assets of women and girls and access to basic services by targeting inventions in Such as education and health.

** Relief and recovery: the efforts and contribution of the UN
The UN Plan of Action takes a very important perspective on the pillar of relief and recovery in Security Council resolution 1325, and chooses to focus in particular on the humanitarian needs of women and girls in conflict and post-conflict situations. This is important, and we will develop it in this assessment because most programs of action take a broader view of relief and recovery that goes beyond humanitarian needs and includes elements from multi-donor trust funds, disarmament, demobilization and reintegration programs, truth and reconciliation commissions, health, education and other areas.


I would like to extend my sincere thanks to Moderators and the members of this consultative discussion for the opportunity to participate and express opinions. I hope to participate in the Tunis conference . 

Best Regards 

Anne-Floor Dekker

Dear all,

Állow me to share some thoughts and experiences on implementing National Action Plans on WPS/UNSCR1325 from the Netherlands. In the Netherlands civil society and government are equally responsible for the development and implementation of the Dutch NAP 1325 (currently implementing the 3rd NAP). Also the coordinators are representatives of both ‘sides’ (WO=MEN and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs). Dutch CSO’s and governmental institutions are welcomed to sign the NAP and implement part of the NAP (depending on role, capacity, responsibility and so on). The Dutch MoFa has allocated budget for CSO’s to implement parts of the NAP. So, in terms of inclusion of women and WRO’s in decision making, governance and political will regarding our NAP, the Netherlands seems to do rather well.

The benefit of this model is that it supports an integrated approach on implementing the Women (or Gender), Peace and Security agenda (combining development, diplomacy and defense efforts of different types of stakeholders). It also stimulates linking and learning among different stakeholders (diplomats, development organizations, policy makers, (diaspora) women’s organizations, peace activists military, police, and so on). However, the risk of this model is that it can allow for governmental institutions to regard the NAP merely as an (funding) framework or project for (engaging with) CSO’s on a specific topic. Rather than as an instrument to seriously implement UNSCR1325 within all of their ('hard' and 'soft') peace and security policies and programs. Another mentioned risk is that CSO's are not able to maintain their watchdog role while engaging with government.

So the question is: how to avoid that a NAP becomes a 'pink project' to everyone, without any links to a country’s 'hard' peace and security policies and programs and without any possibility to hold a government accountable?

In the Netherlands we learned that we need to distinguish between the different roles a NAP can have: 1) a strategic framework for engagement between CSOs and governmental institutions on WPS, and 2) a strategic framework for action plans of governmental institutions to implement the WPS agenda within their own organization and ('hard' and 'soft') policies on peace and security. This also enables us to develop better accountability and reporting mechanisms to hold both government ánd CSO’s accountable that work on peace, stability and security in conflict affected countries. Proper indicators and yearly reporting helps, but only of everyone is aware of the need to track activities and results on WPS.

Setenay Mutlu Adisonmez

Hi everyone, 

Many thanks for your inputs!

I am Setenay, I work as a Research Associate with SecurityWomen that is an advocacy organisation for the inclusion of more women in security sector institutions. 

UNSCR 1325 and subsequent resolutions have been instrumental in breaking the barrier between women’s issues and international security. Even though certain areas show promise like increasing participation of women in the armed forces and peace processes, overall progress on Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda has been slow mainly because of lack of political will, expertise, and enforcement. The chief barriers to realising gender equality in the WPS agenda are deep-seated cultural, religious and social norms. There is a need to educate young people in particular in understanding gender discrimination and gender dynamics more broadly.

Civil Society ownership should be rightly recognised and protected by governance institutions. In order to achieve shared vision and goals on inclusivity on WPS agenda, civil society needs to be playing an active role, and to be engaged more fully. To illustrate, the CSO collaboration with National Action Plans (NAPs) plays an integral role in monitoring progress and evaluating the results of NAPs in many country examples. Resolution 1325 is also a tool that civil society can use to get governments to consider WPS seriously, focusing on contextually relevant elements. Questions to be asked in these regards are as follows: how rape is handled by community police, can changes be brought in that make it better for the female victims, and what measures are being taken to prevent rape occurring in the first place?

As Protection pillar of the Resolution 1325 recognizes, wars and conflicts have gendered aspects. Conflict and post-conflict countries particularly experience a high level of structural gender inequality which means women are not taken seriously or have the opportunity to contribute to peacebuilding. Women need to be seen as active agents rather than passive recipients. The prioritization of ‘protecting’ women during armed conflict has reinforced gendered logics of protection that reproduce stereotypical ideas of women as victims. In fact, women’s representation and meaningful participation in conflict prevention and resolution advances long-term stability.

CEDAW acknowledges that gender-based violence is a global issue reaching across national boundaries and an indicator of the power imbalances between men and women. In order to prevent violence against women and girls and implement UNSCR 1325 more effectively, there is an urgent need for more women to be a part of the security sector including decision-making and leadership positions in line with the prevention pillar of the Resolution 1325. More diverse security institutions can only help the safety of all people in society. Civil society plays an important role in implementing CEDAW recommendations and building the capacity of security sector personnel through training and awareness-raising. Gender-sensitive training needs to take place in every security institution, private or public, together with leadership training which encourages non-discriminatory, empathetic, professional and ethical behaviours.

How can the inclusion of more women in senior positions change the culture of security organisations and prevent the use of extreme force? There is a clear need for advanced gender analysis to integrate a gender perspective into the WPS agenda. It has been mentioned that we need a more diverse representation of women in parliaments around the world to build a pipeline of more prime candidates for peace negotiations. How can we ensure the right women get elected? And how can we guarantee they do the right thing? Power can be corrupting but civil society can ensure pressure is exerted to ensure power is exercised in a beneficial way.

Best regards

Hadeel Qazzaz

Nearly two decades since the passing of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 and the establishment of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda, implementation of its commitments continue to fall short. In the MENA region, women’s role in peace and security is becoming more acknowledged, however, in many cases it remains cosmetic in response to international standards. Experience shows that women play many effective roles, especially at the grassroots level, to prevent conflict. This includes mediating community disputes and using cultural and traditional peace building approaches to address conflict as the ones used by the Yemen women activist. However, these roles do not guarantee a place at the negotiation table and are not translated to post-agreement peace efforts.

As the WPS agenda’s twentieth anniversary closes in, feminist analysis of the achievements and ongoing obstacles to its realization in the MENA region is critical. A feminist analysis allows us to critique power, structures and institutions, and to posit a more holistic, transformative vision of peace and security which is people-centered. A feminist analysis further unpacks the gendered roots causes and structural violence that set up traditional peace processes to fail. It provides a possibility to analyse the continuum of peace building processes using a gender, conflict and fragility approaches. It helps identify the in/ability for building momentum for peace from grassroots to nationwide/ sustainable peace which can safeguard against future conflicts and place women peace builders in the heart of current and future efforts.

Cordula Meyer-Mahnkopf

Greetings from Germany to everyone and thank you for joining. I am a Berlin-based expert on Myanmar, a country, which might serve as  a show case in all the three points: success of UNSCR 1325, role of civil society  related to WPS / more efficiency of CEDAW linking UNSCR1325.

The big picture: In civil war-torn Myanmar thousands of women together with elderly and children live in IDPs, and in some poverty-stricken areas female child soldiers are forced to live with officers in military camps while losing their future. In this way women feel everyday the impact of war and conflict onto their lifes. Giving them a voice in the ongoing peace talks should be a first class political objective. The Gvt of Myanmar has a female leader,  but this notwithstanding the role of women in Burmese public life remains still insignificant. Relating to the discussion’s framework, here are some thoughts:

  • UNSCR 1325

The ongoing peace dialogue in Myanmar (Panglong) has been called „a dialogue between men with guns“. The conference started in 2016 with a share of 7% women of the invitees. So  „Where are the women?“  the Alliance for Gender Inclusion in the Peace Process (AGIPP) has been quoted. Two years later, in 2018,  gender equality became a key issue of the conference‘s political discussion round, whereas its importance was doubted by some of the attendees. All in all, in Myanmar UNSCR 1325 has been successful just to a small degree.

  • Role of CSO: money matters

In Myanmar, civil society is strong and well connected. Nevertheless, CSOs still need a lot of financial support and technical knowledge transfer. Even though the international community has a saying in the country,  cultural patterns like tradition and religion are deeply embedded into the social fabric like all over the world.  Those patterns are especially hard to overcome when it comes to women‘s rights.

Key Recommendations:        

  1. Fund workshops  with the objective to generate a gender sensitive climate via youth organizations (in this point agreeing with Abdul Rahman Kay‘s contribution ) and tap off the resources of the educational system.
  2. Raise women’s/girls‘ self-confidence  by telling them about their legal rights, s. Asia Foundation‘s brochure (2018; for Myanmar).
  3. Train women in advance of  (peace) conferences how to deal with male ignorance and how to make a point nevertheless. This could also be a practical way to link CEDAW and UNSCR 1325.

Concluding remark: It is quite obvious that Myanmar is kind of a showcase for the UN‘s will to promote women’s rights in male-dominated societies. Unfortunately, Myanmar's  Prevention and Protection of Violence Against Women law with its beginnings in 2013  - after government reporting on CEDAW before the UN - is not enacted yet. Some say this is for the strong resistance of some hardliner’s in parliament.

Zafar Gondal

What have been the successes of UNSCR 1325 and subsequent resolutions on Women, Peace and Security?

Prevention of violence, elimination of all kind of discrimination, perceptions and biases is essential and way forward. Violence against women has root causes. It is important to address root causes along with detection, investigation and prosecution. The root causes are pervasive and across the social, political, legal and economic sphere of activities. Resolution 1325 is imbedded in each mission However, that is not sustainable solution, that does not contribute to prevention. It is important to address root causes. Mere reporting is not enough, reporting with consequences and action is must. women involvement in political decision making, in policy making at very local level is important. Women electorate capacity building and activism may expedite this change. It is important that women know security laws, are able to use security measures and are able to shape security. 

What could help give civil society more ownership of the WPS agenda?

There is need for advocacy for women role in peace and security, identify champions for women enhanced role in peace and security. Awareness and realization of society and all actors in conflict including security institutions that women are important player in peace and conflict. women are the most affected party in conflict in many ways. Women security is paramount in conflict and peace. Women participation is peace making process and political resolution is essential. But all this will happen at the local level implementation of 1325, SDGs and CEDAW and accountability. mechanism.

How could reporting on CEDAW be used more effectively to link with UNSCR 1325?

It is important to ensure implementation of CEDAW in true sense, in coherent and synergized manner. 2030 Agenda for SDGs, CEDAW, women access to justice and UNSCR 1325 need coherence, harmonization, advocacy and one voice. All documents support women empowerment, participation in decision making, removes social, political, legal, cultural and institutional barriers, biases and discrimination. The state and non-state actors must report on CEDAW, SDGs and UNSCR with responsibility, and with accountability. Collaboration and  coordination in design thinking for innovation, planning, strategizing, implementing and lessons learning and data collection is important. Too many Resolutions and treaties with implementation gaps are not effective and efficient in achieving outcomes and impacts. There is need to identify lead agency in implementation of SDGs, CEDAW and 1325 and other agencies must coordinate. . 

Barbora Galvankova Moderator

Summary of the Discussion 3: Women Peace and Security

From 1st to 27 February, this discussion engaged specialists, researchers and experts from various backgrounds working on advancing  the women, peace, and security agenda. The majority of the experts engaged in the online debate commonly stressed the importance of the UNSCR 1325  as a good framework for coordinating efforts and fulfill the objectives of the WPS agenda, some also highlighted the need for normative reconsiderations now that we have had the time to test its implementation, specially in light of the major developments in the nature and scope of armed conflicts.

There was a general agreement among discussants on the necessity of stronger commitments, both political and budgetary, of governments and international actors to make the effective advances in the WPS agenda.There is general consensus on the mismatch between expected promises and realities of the UNSCR 1325, due to lack of sufficient funding, political will, the weak establishment of adequate accountability mechanisms; unexplored synergies between the implementation of the WPS agenda and other international instruments such as CEDAW, Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action as well as diminished attention to the role of men and patriarchal norms in the implementation of this agenda. In addition, many of these factors have created a disproportionate burden on civil society, marginalised grassroots groups, and limited the use of UNSCR 1325 to official processes, limited to the symbolic commitments that have little or no impact.

Experts noted the connection between the full realisation of the WPS agenda and women’s capacity to mobilise, organise and advocate which continues to be challenged by diminishing resources,  physical and political threats. They also highlighted the need to  develop concrete, practical guidelines for civil society to further the WPS agenda in the broader context of the national development and political agenda and identify practices and tools to assist a variety of stakeholders to work on security, peacebuilding, and conflict prevention outside of the confinement of conflict or conflict response. Contributors also highlighted the need to shift from the hierarchy of peace ‘tracks’ to interconnected, complementary and diverse paths to peace.

These shortcomings in the implementation of the WPS agenda could be discussed in the following ways at the Tunis Forum: 

  1. What kind of tools and practical guidance do we need to better engage civil society to further WPS agenda in the broader context of the national development and political agenda, including strengthened implementation of International Law and International Humanitarian Law? In particular,  what tools are need to assist variety of the stakeholders to work on security, peacebuilding, and conflict prevention outside of the confinement of conflict or conflict response.

  2. Women’s and women’s organizations role in post-conflict democratization and governance processes, as a key pre determinant to building and sustaining peace, ensuring the security of women, securing women’s rights in the post-conflict statebuilding process and overcoming the “gender equality backlash”.

  3. What are the benefits of a contextualized approach to peacebuilding with focus on gender dynamics, gender equality barriers, power and politics in security and peace-building institutions and a feminist analysis of the conflict?

  4. The impact of women’s participation and inclusion in peace processes and conflict prevention for the society ?  Where are we now, what are the related economic and social gains.

Some of the innovative ways to engage the audience could include interactive engagement through mobile technologies with the audience by collecting their questions in realtime and perhaps engaging with audience outside, getting feedback on the solutions provided and use live polls - http://www.crowdpurr.com. Another possibility would be to use interactive quiz to introduce speakers.